Policing and Crime Bill - Constitution Committee Contents


Policing and Crime Bill


Introduction

1.  The Constitution Committee is appointed "to examine the constitutional implications of all public bills coming before the House; and to keep under review the operation of the constitution". In carrying out the former function, we endeavour to identify questions of principle that arise from proposed legislation and which affect a principal part or parts of the constitution. This report draws to the attention of the House clauses in the Policing and Crime Bill.

Preventative injunctions

2.  Part 4 of the bill introduces a new regime under which local authorities and the police may seek civil injunctions against individuals in the magistrates' courts in attempt to control gang-related violence. Clauses in Part 2 of the bill modify the civil injunctions regime that already exists enabling magistrates' courts to make foreign travel orders to prevent sex offenders from leaving the United Kingdom. Part 8 of the bill contains measures that will extend the ambit of the banning orders under the Football Spectators Act 1989.

3.  In a previous report (on the Serious Crime Bill in the 2006-2007 session), this Committee expressed doubt as to whether the trend towards greater use of preventative civil orders is constitutionally legitimate.[1] We reiterate our general concern about the trend of addressing problems associated with criminal activity and other anti-social behaviour through preventative injunctions.

4.  In so doing, we do not seek to minimise the impact of criminal activity and wrong-doing on individuals and communities. However, in attempting to tackle crime and anti-social behaviour, it is important not to lose sight of the need for procedural requirements to ensure, so far as possible, that miscarriages of justice do not occur. Traditionally, the criminal law has been the means by which public order is maintained. English criminal law has developed a range of safeguards to minimise the risk that an accused person is wrongly convicted. These include a high standard of proof—the judge or jury must be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that an accused committed an offence. Hearsay evidence is not generally admissible in criminal proceedings. The target of criminal law is on actions that have been done, things preparatory to a criminal act, and conspiracies to carry out crime.

5.  We recognise that there are differences in detail between anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs), sex offender orders, football banning orders, serious crime prevention orders, foreign travel orders, and the like. Most, however, enable courts to impose restrictions on liberty based on a civil standard of proof (the balance of probabilities), to do so on the basis of hearsay evidence (often from witnesses who are employees of the state), and on the basis of assessment of the risk of future criminality or wrong-doing.

6.  While the aim of these orders is to prevent future actions rather than to punish past behaviour, the impact on the individual is—as in punishment—the restriction of freedom backed by sanctions. There is a danger that the proliferation of civil preventative orders will undermine basic due process safeguards that have traditionally been present in the criminal law. The fashion for preventative orders brings with it a change in the relationship between citizen and state. A citizen who is subject to legal process by the police or local authorities to prevent what he or she might do in the future stands in a different relation to the state to a citizen who is subject to punishment for what he or she has done in the past.

Gang-related violence injunctions

7.  Clause 33 of the bill provides that when considering whether to grant a gang-related violence injunction, the court must be "satisfied on the balance of probabilities that the respondent has engaged in, or has encouraged or assisted, gang-related violence".

8.  In R. (on the application of McCann) v Manchester Crown Court [2002] UKHL 39, the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords considered the standard of proof for ASBOs made under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. The House held that in applications for ASBOs, given the seriousness of the matters involved, fairness required a "heightened civil standard" of proof; this was "virtually indistinguishable" from the criminal standard and so, for practical purposes, the criminal standard should normally be applied by the courts in relation to ASBOs.

9.  We accept that preventative orders cover a wide range of different situations, some of which have more serious consequences than others. There may be some preventative orders in respect of which the civil standard or a sliding-scale of the standard of proof is appropriate. Gang-related violence injunctions are, however, in the category of preventative orders with the most serious consequences. We are therefore concerned that the bill states expressly that the standard of proof is the civil standard rather than the criminal standard. In our view minimum considerations of due process should require the criminal standard of proof ("beyond reasonable doubt") to be applied in applications for gang-related violence injunctions.

Retention and destruction of samples

10.  Clause 96 proposes to insert new sections into the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 which would enable the Secretary of State to make regulations about the retention, use and destruction of material—including photographs, fingerprints, footwear impressions, DNA samples and information derived from DNA samples.

11.  As is well known, this is against the background of the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights in Marper v United Kingdom (4 December 2008) in which the court unanimously held:

"... that the blanket and indiscriminate nature of the powers of retention of the fingerprints, cellular samples and DNA profiles of persons suspected but not convicted of offences, as applied in the case of the present applicants, fails to strike a fair balance between the competing public and private interests and that the respondent State has overstepped any acceptable margin of appreciation in this regard. Accordingly, the retention at issue constitutes a disproportionate interference with the applicants' right to respect for private life and cannot be regarded as necessary in a democratic society."

12.  We considered the question of retention of samples gathered during police investigations in the course of our recent inquiry on the constitutional framework governing surveillance.[2] We concluded that

"... DNA profiles should only be retained on the National DNA Database (NDNAD) where it can be shown that such retention is justified or deserved. We expect the Government to comply fully, and as soon as possible, with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of S. and Marper v. the United Kingdom, and to ensure that the DNA profiles of people arrested for, or charged with, a recordable offence but not subsequently convicted are not retained on the NDNAD for an unlimited period of time".[3]

13.  We recommended that:

"... the law enforcement authorities should improve the transparency of consent procedures and forms in respect of the NDNAD. We believe that the DNA profiles of volunteers should as a matter of law be removed from the NDNAD at the close of an inquiry unless the volunteer consents to its retention".[4]

14.  We expressed concern:

"... that the NDNAD is not governed by a single statute. We recommend that the Government introduce a bill to replace the existing regulatory framework, providing an opportunity to reassess the rules on the length of time for which DNA profiles are retained, and to provide regulatory oversight of the NDNAD".[5]

15.  Clause 96 of the bill seeks to amend the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 by inserting new powers for the Secretary of State, by regulations, to "make provision as to the retention, use and destruction of material". It is in our view wholly unacceptable that the important matter of retention of samples is to be dealt with by delegated legislation. The Government's proposals as to how they intend to implement the Marper judgment raise important and controversial questions, which the House will want to debate fully. Clause 96, if agreed to, will not allow that debate to happen. The principles governing samples should be set out on the face of primary legislation to enable Parliament to scrutinise them and, if needs be, to seek to amend them. Unamendable delegated legislation will not provide a sufficient opportunity for parliamentary oversight and control over the legal framework for the Government's policy.

16.  We call on the Government to think again and bring forward proposals in a separate bill to regulate the National DNA Database.

Clause 99: border controls

17.  Clause 99 of the bill proposes to amend the Customs and Excise Management Act 1979 to give customs officers power to require any person entering or leaving the United Kingdom "to produce the person's passport or travel documents for examination" or "to answer questions ... about the person's journey". As this provision had not received a great deal of attention during the bill's passage to date, we wrote to Lord West of Spithead to seek a more detailed explanation of the policy reasons for seeking this new power. Our correspondence is reproduced at Appendix 1.

18.  In the light of Lord West's explanation, we are content that the proposal does not infringe constitutional principle. That said, we remind the House that the new powers are part of a package of changes that seek to integrate customs and immigration functions of government. We have expressed some concerns about features of this process in an earlier report (Part 1 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill, 5th Report of 2008-09, HL 41). It will be important to monitor these developments to ensure that they do not impinge, whether inadvertently or otherwise, on constitutional principles.

19.  One particular aspect of our scrutiny was to inquire into possible constitutional implications of the new powers in clause 99 on travel to and from the Channel Islands. In our 7th Report of 2008-9,[6] we drew to the attention of the House provisions contained in Part 3 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill which sought to amend the operation of the Common Travel Area (consisting of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland and the three Crown Dependencies—the Isle of Man and the Bailiwicks of Jersey and Guernsey). We highlighted concerns about the impact on the rights of people to move between the Crown Dependencies (which are British Islands) and the United Kingdom without being subject to immigration control; we also relayed disquiet from the governments of the Crown Dependencies about the lack of adequate consultation on those provisions. The House voted to remove the provisions from the bill.

20.  We wrote to the chief ministers of the Crown Dependencies to seek their views on clause 99 of the present bill. Our correspondence is set out in Appendix 2.

21.  The Chief Minister of the Isle of Man confirmed our view that clause 99 would have no direct effect on the Island, as it forms part of the same customs territory as the United Kingdom.

22.  The Chief Minister of Guernsey told us that "there does not appear to have been any consultation in relation to clause 99 of the bill. Senior officials of the [Guernsey Customs and Immigration] Service have very recently been told by their UK counterparts that the clause had not been identified as an issue for the Channel Islands, which explains the absence of consultation, for which an apology has been given". The Chief Minister said that, having now considered the clause, the States of Guernsey "do not have any concerns of a constitutional nature" about the proposal.

23.  The Chief Minister of Jersey told us:

"Consultation on the Bill has been inadequate and we were not aware of the proposals until your letter of 11 June. Home Office officials have apologised for not informing us earlier and officials at the Ministry of Justice intend to remind departments of the need to consult Crown Dependencies at an early stage."

24.  As to the substance of the proposal, the Chief Minister added that "given the reassurances received, the Government of Jersey has no concerns regarding clause 99 of the Bill".

25.  In our earlier report on the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill we drew to the attention of the House that in relation to Part 3 of that bill, there was an absence of "open, effective and meaningful inter-governmental consultations by the United Kingdom Government with the insular authorities in advance of the introduction of the bill".[7] The limited and late consultation that did take place in relation to that bill "demonstrated little appreciation of the constitutional relationship between the United Kingdom and the Crown dependencies".

26.  It is a matter of concern that there does not appear to be in place a robust system for ensuring that the Crown Dependencies, which are British Islands, are properly consulted by departments of the United Kingdom Government in respect of policy proposals that may have an impact on the rights of British citizens living in those islands or the constitutional relationship with the islands. The Ministry of Justice has overarching responsibility for the Government's relations with the Crown Dependencies. We recommend that the Ministry of Justice carries out a review of the processes across Government for ensuring that the views of the Crown Dependencies are sought during policy-making and legislative drafting on proposals that may affect them.


1   Serious Crime Bill, 2nd Report of 2006-07, HL 41, paragraph 17. Back

2   Surveillance: Citizens and the State, 2nd Report of 2008-09, HL 18-I. Back

3   paragraph 197. Back

4   paragraph 208. Back

5   paragraph 212. Back

6   Part 3 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill, 7th Report of Session 2008-09, HL 54. Back

7   Part 3 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill, 7th Report of Session 2008-09, HL 54, paragraph 16. Back


 
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