Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 80 - 99)

WEDNESDAY 5 MAY 2004

Mr Stephen Sklaroff, Ms Sian Lewis, Mr Stephen Richards and Mr Martyn Parker

  Q80  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: So all other countries in the EU are on the same basis as you, except for France which is a different kind of marketplace, as you would say?

  Mr Parker: Bearing in mind that we are an insurer to the insurance companies, and so we are not selling policies on the high street; but that is how we operate at the current time.

  Mr Sklaroff: Stephen, do you want to say anything about the annuities market?

  Mr Richards: The annuities market in the UK is unique. It is the largest annuity market in the world, and certainly in the EU. About £7 or £8 billion of maturing pension funds buy an annuity each year in the UK. This particular Directive, while it would affect annuities across the 25 EU Member States, would have a completely disproportionate impact in the United Kingdom and Ireland from what it would have in many of the other Member States, like, for example, France, where annuities are not a mainstream product.

  Q81  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: Why would sex have an effect in annuities? What is your argument about that?

  Mr Richards: Prudential analyses its own database of three quarters of a million annuities. We find that, after age, gender is the most significant rating factor: the most significant factor for explaining future life expectancy, which is obviously critical for an annuity. We find that gender is still the most significant, even after taking into account things like income, wealth, lifestyle, socio-economic group. Even after taking into account lifestyle differences, gender is still the second most important rating factor.

  Q82  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: Do you think that will change if it was put onto an equal basis?

  Mr Richards: Do you mean if gender were removed?

  Q83  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: Yes.

  Mr Richards: It would still be possible to price annuities on a basis without gender. However, as Martyn mentioned earlier, it would change the nature of the annuity market quite a lot. In particular, as Lord Harrison alluded to earlier, it would also change behaviour quite a lot. I have said that about £7 or £8 billion goes into the annuity market each year. This is small relative to the large market for defined-benefit pension schemes—final salary pension schemes—variously estimated at between £600 billion or a trillion pounds. If we were to price on a unisex basis, from midpoint, we would be charging men more than the cost of the annuity to us; we would be charging women less than the true cost. If there were a true middle rate, then defined-benefit schemes would have the opportunity to buy out members' benefits at less than the true cost of providing them. So the behaviour would change in the annuity market and you would actually see the annuity rate not settling on the midpoint, but probably going very close to the old female rate—because behaviour would change so radically.

  Chairman: This is a substantive point—and we will come to this in more detail—about annuities. Can we proceed a bit more on the extent to which there has been consultation and research? I know that this is sometimes a little boring, but I think that for the conduct of the further negotiations in Brussels it is important that we get the best information we can about the extent of consultation and research. It may influence whether proposals go forward or are sent back.

  Q84  Lord Howie of Troon: To what extent have you and your counterparts elsewhere in the European Union been consulted before the draft was drawn up?

  Mr Sklaroff: There was no formal consultation with the industry before the draft was produced.

  Q85  Lord Howie of Troon: There was not?

  Mr Sklaroff: No. We did have one meeting with the Commissioner, Commissioner Diamantopoulou as it then was, and the staff. That was a meeting at our request, chaired by the CEA, the European federation. We asked for that meeting because we had heard that such a Directive was in preparation.

  Q86  Lord Howie of Troon: I was going to ask you if you thought this was adequate.

  Mr Sklaroff: I think that it would be fair to say that we felt it was inadequate.

  Q87  Lord Howie of Troon: After that somewhat shaky start, if indeed it was a start, is there any consultation now?

  Mr Sklaroff: Because of the nature of the process, no. What has happened is that, having sent the Commission our views on the likely results of the Directive, as we understood it was likely to be, we heard little more from them until the Directive was published: at which point it went straight into the decision-making process, which in this case is the Council of Ministers.

  Q88  Lord Howie of Troon: That has dealt with the Commission. Is the performance of the UK Government more promising?

  Mr Sklaroff: I think that it is a good deal more promising. We have been very pleased with the discussions we have had with officials and with ministers in the UK Government, as the Council of Ministers has continued its deliberations on the Directive. We have felt that we have had a very fair hearing, and that we have had an opportunity to explain to various departments of government what we think the effects of the Directive would be.

  Q89  Lord Howie of Troon: Do you think that the Government are moving in your direction?

  Mr Sklaroff: We believe that the Government have taken account of the industry's concerns in discussions which have taken place in the Council of Ministers' Working Group.

  Q90  Earl of Dundee: What do we know about the research upon which the Commission has based its proposals? Have you seen it, and is it publicly available?

  Mr Sklaroff: We have seen it and it is publicly available. The Directive, when it was published, alluded to some studies which the Commission argued supported much of the argumentation in the preamble to the Directive. It did not, however, cite those studies. We therefore requested information from the Commission about what those studies were, and did not receive a reply. There was then a question put down in the European Parliament, which elicited the information we had requested. We now know that there were five scientific studies, dating from the last two to five years: two of them concerning the United States; three of them concerning Europe. They are publicly available; they are academic papers and have been published. We can make them available to the Committee, if that would be helpful.

  Q91  Earl of Dundee: Have they just come to you or did they come to you some while ago and you have studied them?

  Mr Sklaroff: We have had a chance to look at the papers and I might ask some of my colleagues perhaps to comment on what they made of them.

  Mr Parker: Especially there is a part of the paper which is called the "Sex mortality differential". This was directly stimulated for us by sight of the studies that the Commission had used. More correctly, stimulated by the evidence the Commission had recorded in the Directive—the impact assessment from the studies. We felt that it rather picked out the pieces that supported this argument and left some other important information behind. Swiss Re therefore set about the collection of independent research, offering our comments to the Committee to consider. We started it as an open-minded piece of research and we said that we wanted to contribute to the debate, but we did not have a preset mind. We collected data from a variety of sources. The academics will debate that there is biological difference and maybe there is a lifestyle difference; it is very hard to separate out both elements. However, our study, the research we produced, shows that there is a consistent link across almost every measure, across almost every country—a difference in the life expectancy of males and females, with ladies living longer. A country-by-country analysis.

  Mr Richards: In every single Member State of the European Union women outlive men. That varies by country. The biggest difference is in Estonia, where women outlive men by 12 years; the smallest difference is Cyprus—three and a half years. Most European Union nations have a difference between male and female life expectancy at birth of around six years. The European Commission was fairly selective with its use of statistics and, in some cases, factually incorrect. Most researchers do accept that there are both behavioural and biological reasons why male mortality is so much higher than female mortality. Nobody disputes that there are both biological and lifestyle differences. Within Prudential, we do our own mortality studies. We take account of behavioural differences where possible, and we still find that gender is the second most important rating factor for explaining mortality differences.

  Q92  Earl of Dundee: Your written evidence refers to the assessment of the Chairman of the Financial Services Authority. He thinks that the possible consequence of the Directive is an additional capital provision of £1 billion. Do you agree with that estimate, and have you been consulted?

  Mr Sklaroff: The FSA is in the best position to come up with such an estimate, because they are the authority which sets capital requirements for the industry and they are in possession of a complete set of data from all the companies in the market. We are therefore entirely content with their estimate. It seems to us a perfectly reasonable one.

  Mr Parker: The FSA have also published expected changes to the premium rates for females for life assurance, as an example. Stephen may then want to come in on the annuity side. Swiss Re have independently done some calculations and can confirm that they are very close to the FSA's findings. We do not know the FSA's methodologies; we do not know their assumptions; but we worked independently and came up with differences in price changes very approximately the same as the FSA.

  Q93  Earl of Dundee: It goes without saying, from what you have just explained, that you have your own methodologies, you deployed these and came up with the same figure as the FSA did—although you do not know what their methodologies happen to be.

  Mr Parker: That is right.

  Q94  Earl of Dundee: Anyway, you are both singing from the same hymn sheet.

  Mr Parker: Indeed.

  Q95  Lord Colwyn: I took something out of the Sunday Times a couple of weeks ago on this statement by Mr McCarthy. His final quote was that ". . . good social objectives will override the realities of life expectancy and actual behaviour . . . it is not surprising that such a policy will have unintended consequences for both men and women". Is that not going against what you have just been talking about?

  Mr Parker: No, we would support that comment. Maybe I have not been clear. Our expectation is that, for some classes of product, ladies will see a modest decrease in their policy charges; for others they will see an increase. Overall, however, if you add up the contributions of all the men and all the women in future generations of policyholders, as a result of this Directive, if it is carried, the consumer will pay more. That is the unintended consequence.

  Q96  Lord Howie of Troon: I am wondering if Ms Lewis has a slightly different view on this or not. That is a highly sexist and male chauvinistic comment, for which I apologise!

  Ms Lewis: I can only speak for the motor market in particular, where we see the cost of claims coming from the young male driver being at least 60 per cent more than a female young driver of a similar age. We would say why should they pay the same premium when the risk is clearly very different.

  Q97  Lord Howie of Troon: And you look at it purely objectively?

  Ms Lewis: Yes.

  Chairman: We have a couple of questions before we come on in a little more detail to motor insurance and Ms Lewis will be able to give us quite a lot of information then. There are two more points on annuities and pensions specifically. One is on adverse selection, which is an important point because it is a major part of your argument. The other is on the implementation period, because there is a specific proposal on that. I will ask Baroness Greengross and Baroness Howarth to deal with those points, and then Lord Harrison can have a field day on motor insurance!

  Q98  Baroness Greengross: You have talked about adverse selection but I think that it would be very helpful to us if you clarified exactly how that works and what it would mean.

  Mr Parker: I would be very happy to. As an industry, we need to be very careful about jargon and proceeding on the assumption that everybody understands this. "Adverse selection" is an industry term. It is important for an insurer to defend its financial viability from adverse selection. It is a very important feature. What we are saying we need to do is guard against a policyholder effecting cover when he or she knows that the price is below the risk that they bring to the pool. It is not the activity of one individual that we concern ourselves with; it is the activity of a number of individuals, which could tip the balance of our financial results. If we have unisex rates for life assurance, effectively what would happen is that the male premium would be, to an order, subsidised by the female premium, and adverse selection would take place if men said, "This is a great deal. Let's all go and buy lots of life assurance cover at this new, cheaper rate than we used to be able to buy it at". In terms of annuities, if we had unisex rates of annuities, females would get it at a rate subsidised by males, because females live longer, males live shorter lives, and so females would be getting a better deal. The female population could then start buying more policies than they would have done in the past—larger policies perhaps—and the subsidy by the males would actually encourage adverse selection. This comes back to our earlier point about the unpredictability of the business mix, and the fact that you may get more of a particular class of life coming to you—at a risk premium cheaper than the premium they would otherwise pay without the gender Directive. So we would have to price prudently and we would have to prudently provide capital. It comes back to the two points we have made. As an example of when adverse selection can take place, in the 1980s one of the high street names in life assurance put out an insurance product into the marketplace which had no underwriting—no selection questions at all, no health questions—if your policy was being taken alongside a mortgage loan. The theory of the pilot was to say to ourselves, "If people are buying a 10-year mortgage, life assurance is incidental". What actually happened with that book of experience was that it was seriously adverse to the expected experience. Many more, in terms of payments, coming out of the organisation; many more paying claims than premiums collected by some margin. It showed that human behaviour is such that you can see an opportunity and you can adversely select to buy from that company rather than a different company that takes your medical history. The less healthy lives were buying cover and getting claims and having benefits under the policies. Adverse selection, with that example, is a real phenomenon that changes people's behaviour.

  Q99  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: The point you have just raised leads to the next question I was going to ask. It demonstrates that behavioural predictions are notoriously difficult over the longer term. The Commission's proposals include the possibility of an extended implementation period of eight years. Would that not give enough time for the insurance business to adjust? And why should consumers suffer?

  Mr Sklaroff: I think that the short answer to this is that the length of the transition period is to some extent irrelevant to the adverse consequences that we are describing for our customers. So whether it takes one year or eight years to get to a point at which prices are higher, it seems to us that our customers would still suffer. Of course, it is true that the longer the transition period the easier it is, or the more time companies have, to adapt to the new system; but that does not in any way undermine what we are saying about the effects on our customers—which would be the same anyway. We therefore think that the issue of the transition period is a bit of a red herring.


 
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