Further Memorandum by Professor Anthony
Bradley[55]
THE USE OF HANSARD IN JUDICIAL REVIEW PROCEEDINGS
A FURTHER
NOTE
1. The Joint Committee will know that I
dealt briefly with the use of Parliamentary material in judicial
review proceedings in section F of my written evidence to the
Committee on 22 February 1998. Amongst recent decisions of the
courts, I mentioned in particular R v Secretary of State for
Trade, ex parte Anderson Strathclyde plc,[56]
where the Divisional Court held that statements in Hansard could
not be used to support a ground for judicial review of a minister's
decision, and Pepper v Hart[57]
where Lord Browne-Wilkinson said that
Anderson Strathclyde had been wrongly decided on this point.
I then summarised the position in this way:
"20. What was said about judicial review
in Pepper v Hart is a strong indication that reference
may be made to Hansard both by those applying for judicial review
and those on behalf of public authorities seeking to resist review.
This appears to me to be a necessary development, since many executive
decisions are made by ministers, who may seek to justify them
in Parliament. It would be undesirable for ministers to be able
to disavow in court what they have said in Parliament, bearing
in mind the public interest in the aims served by judicial review.
Whatever the precise grounds of judicial review that are relied
on, it would be highly artificial for a court in exercise of its
public law jurisdiction not to be able to read what is already
in the public domain in Hansard."
I have now been asked to amplify my account
of current practice in this area. This enables me to confirm the
above summary, subject to the qualification that in considering
the indication given in Pepper v Hart, account must be
taken of the Privy Council's decision in Prebble v Television
New Zealand Ltd [1995] 1 AC 321, and I examine this case below.
A. THE RESOLUTION
OF 31 OCTOBER
1980
2. I wish first to refer to the resolution
adopted by the House of Commons on 31 October 1980 that gave general
leave for reference to be made to parliamentary materials in court.
The resolution was as follows:
"That this House, while re-affirming the
status of proceedings in Parliament confirmed by article IX of
the Bill of Rights, gives leave for reference to be made in future
court proceedings to the Official Report of Debates and to the
published Reports and evidence of Committees in any case in which
under the practice of the House, it is required that a petition
for leave should be presented and that the practice of presenting
petitions for leave to refer to Parliamentary papers be discontinued."
This resolution recognised that statements in
Parliament could be relevant to proceedings in the courts and
that, given publication of the Official Record of debates and
of committee proceedings, it was unnecessary for the Commons to
maintain a requirement which had evolved as a matter of practice
since 1818, which had never existed in respect of the House of
Lords, and which had become an unnecessary formality.[58]
Plainly the resolution was not intended to enable the courts to
trespass on the proper functions of the House of Commons. It is
of interest that while criminal proceedings and libel litigation
were mentioned in the debate on the resolution in 1980, no reference
was made to judicial review proceedings.
3. The Clerk of the House had in 1979 provided
the Committee of Privileges with a list of the 19 occasions since
1945 when leave of the House had been sought by petition for Hansard
and other records to be given in evidence; only four of these
arose in what today would be judicial review proceedings.[59]
The Clerk stated that leave had been refused only once (in 1831)
in some 150 years.[60]
Indeed, where plausible grounds for use of parliamentary material
existed it is difficult to see how the House could have assessed
whether the interests of justice required leave to be given for
the material to be used as evidence in court.
4. The 1980 resolution included an express
statement that Article IX of the Bill of Rights was not affected.
As the Joint Committee will know, the years since 1980 have been
notable for two parallel developments in law and government:
(a) the operation of the departmental select
committees established in 1979 with the role of calling Ministers
and government departments to account for acts and decisions;
(b) the vigorous growth in use of judicial
review procedure as a means of enabling the High Court to examine
the legality of decisions taken by Ministers, departments and
other public authorities.
For reasons which were set out in my paper of
22 February 1998, I consider that these developments have each
in complementary ways promoted the accountability of government.
B. JUDICIAL PRACTICE
SINCE 1980
5. A systematic analysis of reported cases
since 1980 would be necessary before one could chart the frequency
with which applicants for judicial review came to make use of
Hansard. However, it is likely that the growth in judicial review,
especially of decisions by central government, has led to an increase
in the use by litigants of parliamentary material. This increase
was doubtless assisted by the resolution of 31 October 1980 which
removed a formal obstacle to the use of Hansard. Although the
decision in R v Secretary of State for Trade, ex parte Anderson
Strathclyde plc[61]
barred applicants from relying on a ground
for judicial review which could be supported only by reference
to Hansard, this did not resolve all questions about the extent
to which in judicial review the courts could take account of parliamentary
proceedings.
6. The relationship between courts and Parliament
was considered in R v Secretary of State for the Environment,
ex parte Notts County Council[62]
There the council challenged the Minister's
decision to impose expenditure limits on certain local authorities,
the statute in question requiring the Minister to seek approval
from the House of Commons for the rate support grant report on
which his decision was based. On appeal, the House of Lords rejected
the Council's application for judicial review, holding that the
court would not, as a matter of constitutional propriety, find
that the Minister's decision was unreasonable unless the Minister
and the House had misconstrued the statute or there had been any
other abuse of power. Lord Scarman quoted with approval what Lord
Diplock had said in an earlier case concerning judicial review
in the area of taxation, that the Inland Revenue Commissioners
were accountable to Parliament
"so far as regards efficiency and policy,
and of that Parliament is the only judge; they [the IRC] are responsible
to a court of justice for the lawfulness of what they do, and
of that the court is the only judge".[63]
In reserving the right of the court to intervene
for abuse of power, Lord Scarman gave the example of where it
was alleged that the Minister had acted in bad faith, and had
"to put it bluntly, deceived the House". There was in
the Notts C C case no such allegation; and Lord Scarman
did not consider the potential difficulty for an applicant of
showing that the Minister had misled the House, nor whether any
problems relating to Article IX would arise if such an allegation
were made.
7. In another House of Lords case, Re
Findlay, [64]
serving prisoners sought review of a policy statement which the
Home Secretary had made in the House of Commons and which, by
changing the parole system, increased the time which existing
prisoners would serve before being released on parole. The change
of policy had first been announced at a Conservative party conference
and was confirmed by a full statement in the Commons on 30 November
1983. The full text of the statement in Hansard was in evidence
in the case. It was not suggested in the Divisional Court, the
Court of Appeal or the House of Lords that Hansard could not be
read where it contained the very decision which the applicants
sought to review. In considering one submission made by the applicants,
the Court of Appeal read and commented upon a statement of policy
made in the Commons in 1975 by an earlier Home Secretary and considered
whether that was lawful. In the Court of Appeal, Browne-Wilkinson
LJ (dissenting from the majority) held the 1983 policy statement
to be unlawful, but the House of Lords unanimously found the statement
to have been lawful. It appears never to have been suggested that
the courts were acting in breach of Article IX of the Bill of
Rights by questioning the legality of a ministerial statement,
recorded in Hansard, that contained a change in policy adversely
affecting the applicants.[65]
8. The 1980 resolution ending the requirement
to seek leave of the House before Hansard could be cited in court
was considered in Pepper v Hart,[66]
when the House held unanimously that use of parliamentary material
for resolving statutory ambiguities would not infringe Article
IX. An issue of statutory interpretation may, of course, arise
in any kind of litigation. Where a discrete point of interpretation
arises in a case of judicial review (for example, as to the meaning
of legislation on which a public authority has relied against
a private person), the Pepper v Hart rules have the same
application as in other litigation. It can be difficult to predict
when the court will agree to look at Hansard under Pepper v
Hart[67]
but such difficulties are not in any way peculiar to judicial
review cases.
C. DOCUMENTARY
MATERIAL AND
APPLICATIONS FOR
JUDICIAL REVIEW
9. A different reason for wishing to consult
Hansard or minutes of evidence given to a select committee arises
in cases of judicial review where the dispute is not about the
meaning of an Act, but about the legality of an executive decision.
The text of the decision may itself be in Hansard, as in Re
Findlay, or approved by resolution of the House, as in the
Notts CC case, and Hansard may contain material explaining
or justifying the decision.[68]
Such material may include references to the factual background
or to relevant legal issues, an account of the procedure adopted,
or the reasoning adopted by the decision-maker. As well as prepared
statements by Ministers, relevant material may be found in ministerial
speeches during debates on legislation, in Ministers' replies
to adjournment debates and questions, and in evidence by Ministers
and civil servants to select committees. Where a key decision
is controversial, a departmental selelct committee may take evidence
about it. Thus an extract from evidence to the Employment Committee
of the House was cited in the case which arose from Mrs Thatcher's
decision to end trade union membership at GCHQ.[69]
Where a governement statement is made in Parliament, for instance
on publication of a white paper, this statement is often followed
by questions to the Minister, who may amplify what is said in
the statement itself.
10. In very many cases material in Hansard
or in the minutes of evidence to committees is no more than supplementary
to other documentary material that is available to the applicant
for judicial review. This other (non-parliamentary) material may
include a Minister's decision given outside Parliament, the reasons
for a decision given by the Minister or a civil servant in a letter
to the applicant or to a Member, statements of departmental policy,
ministerial circulars and guidance to local authorities. Where
there is both parliamentary and non-parliamentary material relating
to the same decision, an applicant for review is bound to compare
them. Inconsistency on an important point may raise a question-mark
about the decision. Exceptionally, parliamentary material may
be the sole or predominant basis for an application for judicial
review. This was the case in two important recent decisions.
D. THE PERGAU
DAM AND
FIRE BRIGADES
UNION CASES
11. In the Pergau Dam case,[70]
the challenge by judicial review to the decisions of the Foreign
Secretary was not made until after proceedings in public took
place before the Public Accounts Committee and the Foreign Affairs
Committee early in 1994. Material from such proceedings was relied
on by the applicants in the Divisional Court, as well as a ministerial
statement made to Parliament in 1988. No objection was taken by
the Crown to use of this material in evidence. The applicants
made it clear that they did not question the accuracy of what
had been said to the House's Committees, but used it to establish
(as they did successfully) that the decision to grant aid for
the Pergau Dam was not in accordance with the Overseas Development
and Co-operation Act 1980.
12. In R v Secretary of State for the
Home Department, ex parte Fire Brigades Union,[71]
the Home Secretary had stated in Parliament and had issued a white
paper confirming that he would not bring into force the scheme
for criminal injuries compensation authorised by the Criminal
Justice Act 1988 and would instead use prerogative powers to introduce
a tariff-based system of compensation. By a majority of 3-2, the
House of Lords held that the Home Secretary had acted unlawfully.
There appears to have been no suggestion in the closely argued
litigation that the court could not read statements made by the
Home Secretary in the House. Indeed, the Home Secretary sought
to rely on subsequent debates and votes in Parliament in support
of his case. Lord Mustill (dissenting) said that these parliamentary
statements were not relevant to the interpretation of the 1988
Act and referred to the importance of maintaining the constitutional
boundary between the courts and Parliament; but he accepted that
the Secretary of State had an obligation to act within the bounds
of fairness and good faith. Amongst the grounds of review relied
on by the applicants, the Home Secretary was said to have acted
unlawfully in that "he has announced in Parliament and in
the White Paper that it is his intention not to perform his statutory
duty to implement the Statutory Scheme"[72]
13. These two cases certainly raised difficult
questions of public law as to the proper extent of judicial review
in respect of executive decisions which were taken, like many
ministerial decisions are, in a parliamentary context. The issue
for present purposes, however, is the narrower question of whether
such difficulties have arisen from a failure by the courts to
have due regard to Article IX. I do not consider that they have,
and I would be opposed to any suggestion that in some way Article
IX should be applied more rigorously in future to prevent the
courts from having access to parliamentary material. It is difficult
to see how such a suggestion would assist proceedings in parliament,
although it might provide government departments with an extra
defence against certain applications for judicial review.
E. THE PRESENT
STATE OF
THE CASE-LAW
14. The present practice, however, does
not emerge clearly from the case-law. In Pepper v Hart, Lord
Brown-Wilkinson referred to "the practice which has now continued
over a number of years in cases of judicial review" whereby
Hansard was cited on such issues as whether a statutory power
have been "improperly exercised for an alien purpose or in
a wholly unreasonable manner". Pepper v Hart itself
was an income tax appeal, not a case of judicial review; thus
Lord Brown-Wilkinson's remark that the same approach to using
Hansard in statutory interpretation applied also to judicial review
was obiter.
15. The matter came up again in Prebble
v Television New Zealand Ltd[73]
(like Pepper v Hart, Prebble was not a case of judicial
review) where again Lord Browne-Wilkinson considered the use of
parliamentary material in the process of judicial review. Having
cited Article IX, he examined the significance of a maxim commended
by Blackstone, namely:
"that whatever matter arises concerning
either House of Parliament ought to be examined, discussed, and
adjudged in that House to which it relates and not elsewhere".
Lord Brown-Wilkinson concluded that:
"parties to litigation, by whomsoever commenced,
cannot bring into question anything said or done in the House
by suggesting (whether by direct evidence, cross-examination,
inference or submission) that the actions or words were inspired
by improper motives or were untrue or misleading. Such matters
lie entirely within the jurisdiction of the House, subject to
any statutory exception such as exists in New Zealand in relation
to perjury under section 108 of the Crime Act 1961."[74]
(emphasis supplied)
16. Lord Browne-Wilkinson did give the Judicial
Committee's blessing to what had been accepted in argument by
the Attorney-General of New Zealand, namely that there could be
no objection to the use of Hansard to prove what was done and
said in Parliament as a matter of history. However, as we have
seen, Prebble itself did not involve judicial review. How
does Lord Browne-Wilkinson's principle apply to cases of judicial
review when one of the parties (whether applicant or respondent)
wishes to rely on statements made in Parliament by a Minister
or to select committees by Ministers or senior civil servants?
The maxim from Blackstone, as Dr Geoffrey Marshall pointed out
in his evidence to the Joint Committee,[75]
goes much wider than Article IX itself; taken at face value, it
would have the absurd effect of excluding all discussion outside
Parliament of what is said at Westminster. If it were applied
to judicial review, could a Minister make a decision or policy
immune from judicial review by announcing it in the Commons and,
say, refusing to repeat the statement outside the House?[76]
Such an interpretation of Article IX would be a long way indeed
from its primary purpose of protecting freedom of speech in the
House against criminal or civil liability for those who have taken
part in its debates. It is fundamental in the law of judicial
review that the courts are concerned with the legality of official
decisions not with their expediency or political merits.
17. To put the point shortly, when judicial
review is sought of a decision which has been announced or referred
to in parliamentary proceedings, this process cannot be regarded
as being in breach of Article IX. To institute judicial review
of an executive decision is not to impeach or question the freedom
of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament. Where a Minister's
decision is announced in Parliament, it inevitably enters the
public domain and it may be reported verbatim in the media. Given
the manner in which British government operates today, it would
be artificial to restrict the process of judicial review by ring-fencing
what Ministers have said in Parliament and excluding this from
the purview of the courts.
18. Consistent with what Lord Browne-Wilkinson
said in Prebble, an exception to this arises where an applicant
for judicial review might wish to show that the Minister had misled
the House. If the Minister had done so intentionally, this would
be a serious breach of the principles which now govern the conduct
of Ministers in relation to Parliament.[77]
The duties of Ministers under those principles are owed to Parliament,
not to the courts. If an inadvertent error has been made, a Minister
must correct this at the earliest opportunity. For the purposes
of judicial review, while the court might wish to note any material
inconsistency between what is said inside and outside Parliament
by a Minister and/or civil servants, the court ought not to examine
the Minister about the circumstances in which an error was made,
and in particular should not seek to discover whether the error
was inadvertent or otherwise. This course would avoid any possible
breach of Article IX and would not weaken the essential purposes
of judicial review.[78]
19. In his speech in Prebble, Lord
Browne-Wilkinson referred to the decision of the New South Wales
Supreme Court in R v Murphy[79]
and to the Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 which was enacted
by the Canberra Parliament to make it clear that Murphy was
not the law of the Commonwealth of Australia. Section 16 of that
Act provides "for the avoidance of doubt" in relation
to proceedings of the Commonwealth Parliament:
"(3) In proceedings in any court or
tribunal, it is not lawful for evidence to be tendered or received,
questions asked or statements, submission or comments made, concerning
proceedings in Parliament, by way of, or for the purpose of:
(a) questioning or relying on the truth,
motive, intention or good faith of anything forming part of those
proceedings in Parliament;
(b) otherwise questioning or establishing the
credibility, motive, intention or good faith of any person; or
(c) drawing, or inviting the drawing of, inferences
or conclusions wholly or partly from anything forming part of
those proceedings in Parliament".
20. Lord Browne-Wilkinson's comment on this
provision is that the Australian Act:
"declares what had previously been regarded
as the effect of Article IX and sub-section (3) contains what,
in the opinion of their Lordships, is the true principle to be
applied".
With all respect to Lord Browne-Wilkinson's
analysis of the law, I do not agree that section 16(3) of the
Australian Act does declare what in the recent practice of the
United Kingdom courts has been regarded as the effect of Article
IX, at least in the law of judicial review. Enactment of section
16(3) could have a potentially severe effect on the process of
judicial review, particularly in regard to executive decisions
taken by central government. Its effect would, for instance, make
another Pergau Dam case impossible and would exclude the use of
published evidence given to a select committee that was made in
a recent application for judicial review agains the Lord Chancellor.[80]
F. CONCLUSIONS
21. (1) While the position emerging from
recent case-law which directly examines Article IX is far from
clear, the public law jurisdiction of judicial review was not
before the courts in those cases. From the decisions which the
courts have made in exercising the constitutional function of
judicial review, there is no basis for the view that the essential
freedom of speech in Parliament is impeded or affected by the
current practice of the courts.
(2) The parliamentary material relevant
to judicial review proceedings which either or both parties may
wish the court to consider is a matter of public record. In an
era when open government is encourage, and when the Government
is to introduce freedom of information legislation, it would be
contrary to these trends for a court to be barred from reading
the Official Report of what a Minister has said at Westminster
or the published evidence given to committees of the two Houses.
(3) The duty of the courts to uphold the
rule of law means that they are concerned with issues going to
the legality of public decisions with which the two Houses and
their committees are not constitutionally equipped to deal. If
a Minister's statement in the House of Commons shows that a decision
taken in Whitehall was an abuse of the department's legal powers
(and this ought not to be a frequent occurrence), parliamentary
privilege does not bar the courts from reaching a decision on
the legal issues involved.
(4) One function of the Official Report
of debates in Parliament today is to serve as a depository for
government policies and for reasoned justification of those policies.
For a court to hold that a particular policy decision goes outside
the Minister's powers under the relevant legislation is not a
breach of Article IX of the Bill of Rights.
(5) It is not the function of the courts
on an application for judicial review to investigate whether or
not a Minister acted inadvertently or intentionally in any misleading
statements which may have been made in Parliament. But any inconsistency
between such statements and statements made outside Parliament
is a matter which the courts may take into account in exercising
their public law jurisdiction.[81]
It appears from the second affidavit that the
first deponent understood that the evidence given to the Home
Affairs Committee was not admissible because of Article IX. However,
I am in no doubt that an applicant who claims public law rights
against a Minister must be able to rely on relevant statements
as to facts or policy which have been made by that Minister in
public to a select committee. It would be unjust for Article IX
to be used to prevent her from doing so. Section 16(3)(c) of the
Australian legislation would be likely to have had this effect.
I am grateful to Richard Drabble QC and to Ms
Elaine Sherratt, solicitor (Brent Community Law Centre) for the
information on which this note is based.
55 Of the Inner Temple, barrister; Emeritus Professor
of Constitutional Law, University of Edinburgh. Back
56
[1983] 2 All ER 233. The Divisional Court there applied to judicial
review the decision in Church of Scientology v Johnson-Smith
[1972] 1 QB 522 (MP sued for libel in course of television
discussion; plaintiffs not allowed to prove express malice by
reference to defendant's speeches in Parliament). In Strathclyde
Anderson, there was inadequate argument as to whether the
decision in the private law of defamation should be applied by
analogy to the public law of judicial review. Back
57
[1993] AC 593, at 638. Back
58
See First Report of the Committee of Privileges, 1978-89, "Reference
to Official Report of Debates in Court Proceedings" HC (1979-80)
and HC Deb, 3 December 1979, col 167 and 31 October 1980, col
779. Back
59
R v Governor of Brixton Prison, ex parte Enahoro [1963]
2 QB 455; R v Home Secretary, ex parte Hosenball [1977]
1 WLR 766; Laker Airways v Department of Trade [1977] QB
643; Metzger v DHSS [1978] 1 WLR 1046. Back
60
On 21 July 1975, where leave was sought by the Attorney-General
for production of Hansard in his action to restrain publication
of the Crossman diaries (A-G v Jonathan Cape Ltd [1976]
QB 752), the House lacked a quorum when it voted on the issue. Back
61
Note 2 above. Back
62
[1986] AC 240. Back
63
A quotation from IRC v National Federation of Self-employed
Ltd [1982] AC 617, 644. Back
64
[1985] AC 318. Back
65
And of R v Criminal Injuries Compensation Board, ex parte Lain
[1967] 2 QB 864, where judicial review was sought of a decision
by the Board which had been set up to administer a non-statutory
scheme, the rules of which were contained in Hansard. Back
66
[1993] AC 593. Back
67
See eg R v Rotherham Council, ex parte Clark (1997) 96
LGR 214. Back
68
As in R v Home Secretary, ex parte Brind [1991] 1 AC 696,
where Lord Ackner set out in full the Home Secretary's reasons
for the decision from Hansard, and referred to subsequent debates
in the Commons and the Lords. Back
69
CCSU v Minister for the Civil Service [1985] AC 374: the
Prime Minister's decision was made orally on 22 December 1983,
but was made public in the House of Commons only on 25 January
1984. Back
70
R v Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, ex parte World
Development Movement [1995] 1 WLR 386. Back
71
[1995] 2 AC 513. Back
72
Amongst the grounds of review relied on by the applicants, the
Home Secretary was said to have acted unlawfully in that "he
has announced in Parliament and in the White Paper that it is
his intention not to perform his statutory duty to implement the
Statutory Scheme" (emphasis supplied). Back
73
[1995] 1 AC 321. Back
74
At 337. Back
75
Minutes of Evidence, 7 April 1998, p 5. Back
76
To do so would run counter to principles of good administration
and would be liable to create acute difficulties for a department
in administering the policy or giving effect to the decision. Back
77
See the resolutions on ministerial conduct adopted vby the House
of Commons on 19 March 1997 (HC Deb, col 1046) and by the House
of Lords on 20 March 1997 (HL Deb, col 1055). Back
78
It is necessary to restrict this exception to a situation where
the House or a committee may have been misled. It should still
be open to an applicant for judicial review to show from parliamentary
material that a decision has been made for reasons which in law
are improper in the sense of being irrelevant or extraneous. Back
79
(1986) 5 NSWLR 18. Back
80
See note 81below. Back
81
In R v Lord Chancellor and the Legal Aid Board, ex parte Bourke
(CO/4203/97), for which leave was granted on 2 February 1998
and which was before the Divisional Court on 20 May 1998, the
applicant claimed by judicial review to be entitled in the interests
of justice to legal aid to enable her to claim in the industrial
tribunal for sexual discrimination. Amongst material supporting
her application was evidence given by the Lord Chancellor to the
Home Affairs Committee of the House of Commons on 13 October 1997,
when he stated that tribunals were as formal as court proceedings.
A confusing situation arose when an affidavit prepared within
the Lord Chancellor's Department wrongly stated that the Lord
Chancellor regarded industrial tribunals as being informal in
character compared with the courts. This error was later corrected
in a second affidavit from the department, which (unlike the first
affidavit) was seen in draft by the Lord Chancellor. Back
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