Crime and Security Bill


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Mr. Hanson: I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth, Devonport for raising the matter in relation to the clause. I know that she has a very large military contingent in the great city of Plymouth. [Interruption.]
The Chairman: Order. The hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent, Central (Mark Fisher) is not a member of the Committee.
Mark Fisher (Stoke-on-Trent, Central) (Lab): I apologise, Sir Nicholas. I am in the wrong room.
Mr. Hanson: I am sure many others wish they could leave the Committee just as quickly as my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, Central. Some of us are here for a lot longer.
My hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth, Devonport has a very strong military contingent in her constituency. My first job was in Plymouth, and I remember vividly looking out of my bedroom window and watching ships return from the Falklands war. I spent a pleasant 12 months there and know how much the military is embedded.
Mr. Burns: Doing what?
Mr. Hanson: Working for the Co-op, a wonderful organisation.
The key thing is that the presence of such a large military contingent means that there are pressures, particularly when men and women return from active service. There can be tensions that lead to incidents of domestic violence. It is important—and clause 29 does this—that the Ministry of Defence police have a power similar to that of the civil police to issue domestic violence protection notices. The scope of clause 21 to allow DVPNs to be issued is exactly the same as that of clause 29. If a perpetrator was a member of the armed forces living in accommodation provided by the armed forces, a DVPN would be issued. That would allow the eviction of the perpetrator from the premises, not the victim. That is particularly important in a military context, because the tenancy of military properties will undoubtedly be with those serving in the military and not their families. That is an important defence mechanism.
Alison Seabeck: Does my right hon. Friend acknowledge that it is important that support networks should be in place for families living in confined service accommodation? If so, the victim could be offered really good support. Otherwise, he or she could feel isolated because of the comrades and friends of the perpetrator. Some special and quite different circumstances surround victims in MOD accommodation.
Mr. Hanson: That is so, and the pastoral role of the military is extremely important. There will still be relationships with normal local services in places such as Plymouth, but clause 29 gives the Ministry of Defence the power to act on MOD property.
If a member of the MOD police issues a DVPN, the application for a DVPO will made to a magistrates court and will proceed as normal. To a certain extent, that answers the question of the hon. Member for Winchester. The military has the power to exclude someone from the premises, but normal procedures will appertain in relation thereafter, as outlined in the Bill. They include the powers of arrest in accordance with clause 22, and in accordance with the provisions of clause 23 on breach in custody.
In answer to the first point made by the hon. Member for Winchester, I wrote “yes” in my notes, but I have forgotten the question. If he looks at the record in Hansard, he will see what it was. I hope that I have clarified the second point, which was about dealings with the magistrates court. If an individual has left the military, we are talking about a 48-hour initial notice and a 28-day maximum secondary DVPN. I imagine that those leaving the military within 48 hours or 28 days will be few and far between, but they will be subject to military jurisdiction for the first part of the order and to the magistrates court once the breach order has been completed.
I have been reminded of the question to which I wrote the answer “yes”. It was about whether the military police would hand over to the regular police. The answer is yes, it would be as normal. I hope that that helps. I am grateful to hon. Members for raising those issues.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 29 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 30

Pilot schemes
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
James Brokenshire: We have reached the last clause in the part of the Bill dealing with domestic violence. The final piece of the jigsaw is the pilot schemes. As the Minister said, they are important; should the Bill be enacted, the intention is to pilot the provisions in two areas. I understand that under the current timetable they have been pencilled in for October 2010—but subject, of course, to parliamentary procedures, including Royal Assent.
4.45 pm
I have a few questions for the Minister on the nature of the pilot. I heard what he said about the intended time scale and the fact that they are supposed to last six months. The regulatory impact assessment talks about six to 12 months. Will the Minister confirm whether the time period may be limited by the use of the funding? The regulatory impact assessment states that £700,000 has been allocated to the pilots, of which £250,000 would be set-up costs and £400,000 running costs. The assessment makes it clear that the Home Office will provide that funding, but if it appears that the cost of the DVPOs will exceed the budget, the provision in the legislation to stop the pilots will be enacted. In essence, the time period could therefore be shorter than six months, if the funding were used more rapidly than forecast, but the forecast is slightly uncertain, because we do not know how many notices might be issued, how many orders would be granted and what the costs of policing and legal aid might be. Is the Minister confident that the allocated sum would at the very least provide a reasonable period of time in which to assess the pilots?
The Minister will obviously have undertaken some analysis to come up with the £400,000 running costs, and to have some confidence that there will be a meaningful period of time for the pilots, and a meaningful number of orders to be assessed as a consequence. That is important, because the Minister’s approach puts great emphasis on the pilots being able to test how effective the proposals would be, and whether they should be rolled out to a wider arena. It would be helpful to know that analysis, so that we can be comforted that the Minister is confident that we will get a reasonable period of time.
One of the risk factors is the availability of caseworker support locally. The success of the DVPO in its pilot form will depend on the existence of caseworkers who, as we have heard, will work with victims to explore their options. However, the Home Office’s regulatory impact assessment makes it clear that many specialist support services are already stretched locally. To ensure that we have meaningful pilots that operate effectively, that sort of issue needs to be properly addressed in the recruitment and set-up process.
On the funding, will the Minister confirm that the £700,000 will come from a separate pot and not from money that has already been identified, for example, the pot going to regional government offices for IDVAs and MARACs for 2009-10 and 2010-11? That funding pot is intended to provide IDVAs and MARACs across the country, and it would be interesting if the funding for the pilots was intended to come out of that.
There is also the issue of when the decisions will be made about where the pilots would operate. I hear clearly what the Minister has said about probably having a small force and a large force, to test the effectiveness of two areas and look at the use of the DVPNs and DVPOs. Would he also consider whether an urban force and a rural force should be reflected in the pilots? The hon. Member for Plymouth, Devonport has highlighted her area, and has made a bid for it to be chosen as one of the pilot schemes. More seriously, a force such as that in Devon and Cornwall is rural, and in Cornwall it may be more difficult to obtain services and support than in a more urban area. If the pilot is be instructive and provide lessons about how it could be applied across the country, consideration should be given to that matter.
Alison Seabeck: The hon. Gentleman is probably aware that Plymouth falls within the area covered by Devon and Cornwall police.
If the pilot is successful and funding, whether locally or through other means, could be identified, and if it is felt that the domestic violence protection arrangement is working effectively, does the Home Office intend to end it, as the regulatory impact assessment states? I appreciate that lessons need to be learned for a wider roll-out, and that the more general costs, sustainability and all sorts of factors need to be considered in the assessment. However, if £250,000-worth of investment is sunk into the project at the outset, would it simply stop? Support networks may have been established and some useful work will have been done on the ground in the two areas. So is there any flexibility, notwithstanding what might be stated in the RIA?
Finally, how does the Minister expect any subsequent roll-out to operate? He may say that it is too early and that we need to have the pilot first. So there is going to be just a six-month project, which then stops for 12 months or however long an assessment might take. Is that how he intends roll-out to operate or would he hope that an assessment might be undertaken more quickly? If the use of these notices and orders is shown to be positive in practice, and the funding is within the anticipated ambit, how might the national roll-out follow on?
Mr. Oaten: I have three points. The first relates to the Minister’s assessment of the cost of setting up the pilots. Would it not have made more sense to have identified which authorities will be part of the pilot and to ask them to be involved in the assessment of the costs? Can he give an assurance that once those areas have been identified they will not lose out financially from being part of the pilot scheme?
Secondly, what happens if an individual in the pilot area has an order made against them but then moves to an area that is not part of the pilot and is under another force that has no experience or understanding of what happens in those circumstances?
My third question is a slightly different point from that made by the hon. Member for Hornchurch and is about what happens when the pilot stops. I am concerned about what happens to the individuals who may be benefiting from the pilot—who may be getting the follow-up visits and who may be dependent on the process—when all of a sudden the support stops. What systems are in place to ensure that their safety continues when the pilot ends?
Mr. Hanson: I shall try to answer the questions that have been put. I have been very clear throughout the consideration of these provisions that there will be a pilot. It will comprise two areas. It will, to help the hon. Member for Hornchurch, probably have one rural and one more urban area. I have already pointed out that the chief constable of Wiltshire, Brian Moore, has expressed an interest in his force being involved. I note the bid from my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth, Devonport for her force to be involved. We will make an evaluation and post Royal Assent, we will agree a two-area pilot to reflect training and experimental needs. We will run the pilot for a minimum of six months up to a maximum of 12 months to look at the areas of work that are required.
The set-up cost that we have agreed, as the memorandum states, is £700,000, which is generous in relation to our assessment. Home Office officials and our colleagues in the Ministry of Justice worked out the cost between them. It comes from a separate funding pot.
James Brokenshire: I hear what the Minister says about the six to 12-month period. Is the regulatory impact assessment incorrect when it states that the legislation will stop the pilot if the funding costs are likely to be exceeded? That is what the assessment says, although I appreciate that the Minister is now saying that there will be a minimum period.
Mr. Hanson: The costings we have established through the Ministry of Justice and the Home Office are in the region of £700,000. That will fund, at a minimum, a six-month pilot up to a potential maximum 12-month pilot. Other partners may join us to share the cost, because third-party agencies want to look at the support mechanisms. If I may be so bold as to tell the Committee a secret, we hope to share some further costs with third-party agencies to ensure that we undertake savings to the Home Office in due course. The key element is that there is adequate provision; we have costed it fairly and we will make sure that it comes from a separate pot to ensure the roll-out.
I would not have spent three hours of the Committee’s time, as well as many hours of official preparation time and ministerial time engaged in the policy, if we did not wish to see the scheme rolled out. I do not want a postcode lottery based on two pilot areas where it is not available. There is a proposal so that we can learn lessons from the practical implications and look at the longer-term funding requirements, given the comprehensive spending review that will be in place after the general election, to roll out the scheme. My colleagues and I will have to make a decision about that downstream. We have to face the will of the electorate before that, but we will certainly look at the lessons and the scheme’s potential roll-out.
The hon. Member for Winchester raised some interesting points. On the question of what happens if an individual moves away once the clauses we have considered are put into practice, let me say two things. The first element is the DVPN, which stops someone entering their property for 48 hours. Where they go when they are not in the property for the first 48 hours is a matter for them. The clauses set out that if they return and breach, there will be a severe penalty. If a magistrates court imposes a DVPO, it will again be a matter for the individual where they go. However, if they return to the property, the magistrates court would be responsible for enforcing the penalties.
Mr. Oaten: What I had in mind was this: if the victim moves to a different area, who will have responsibility for managing what happens if the perpetrator tries to go to the victim’s new home and that house falls outside a pilot area?
Mr. Hanson: The whole purpose and thrust of the clauses is not that we move the victim around the country, but that we ensure that they stay in the family home and that it is the perpetrator who goes walkabout, not the victim, although I accept that there may be occasions when that happens. If the perpetrator comes back to the home, they face severe penalties. I do not expect that to be the normal situation, but I will reflect on it and if there are issues, I will take them from there. I think I have answered all the points.
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