Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill [HL] - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Conclusions and recommendations


Citizenship

New category of 'probationary citizenship'

1.  We heard from migrants and migrants' rights groups that the proposals on probationary citizenship in this Bill would be unlikely to encourage greater take-up of British citizenship, which is one of the Government's stated aims. The Government should ensure that policy is based on consultation with the specific groups it seeks to incentivise—in this case migrants—rather than on its own assumptions. (Paragraph 16)

2.  The Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill (HL) does not restrict access to health services, and our witnesses have confirmed that they do not have concerns about this Bill as introduced. However, we thought it useful nevertheless to rehearse the arguments in relation to restricting access to health services for some groups, since medical professionals made persuasive arguments on the damaging effects of such restrictions. Moreover, our evidence clearly showed that existing restrictions on access to health services have led to confusion and, in some cases, to civil disobedience by medical professionals. (Paragraph 20)

3.  The evidence we received during consideration of the Draft (Partial) Immigration and Citizenship Bill cautioned against any future restrictions on access to primary health services for those subject to immigration control. Medical professionals gave persuasive evidence that the risks—to public as well as individual health—outweighed the benefits of any such restriction. (Paragraph 27)

4.  We support the principle that those granted probationary citizenship leave for the purposes of employment should be required to prove that they were working during that probationary period. However, we consider that for those migrants who abide by the conditions of their leave, short periods of joblessness, particularly in the current economic climate, should not automatically restart the clock on their qualifying period to citizenship. Whilst we welcome the discretionary power in the Bill to, in 'compelling circumstances', waive the requirement for an individual to have been in continuous employment, the conditions in which the exercise of that discretion is envisaged remain ill-defined. The Government must be more transparent by setting out a specific time period within which individuals can be between jobs without breaking the continuous employment requirement for citizenship. We suggest that this period should be in line with existing conditions, such as the 60 days granted to migrants under tier 2 of the points-based system. (Paragraph 33)

Activity condition

5.  The basic principle that those who wish to become British citizens should contribute to British society is uncontroversial, and we therefore consider that the concept of 'active citizenship' is essentially a fair one. However, the principle must be applied in a fair and proportionate manner, and in a way which does not discriminate against vulnerable groups. (Paragraph 43)

6.  It concerns us that the Government intends to use an unamendable form of legislation to define the prescribed activities by which migrants will be able to reduce their qualifying time for citizenship by two years. The question of which activities will count is of key importance in the fair operation of the new architecture, and the way in which individuals qualify for citizenship touches on important constitutional principles. We therefore recommend that Parliament amends the Bill to stipulate that the detailed nature of these prescribed activities be laid under super-affirmative resolution procedure, thereby ensuring a greater level of parliamentary scrutiny. (Paragraph 44)

7.  We further recommend that the prescribed activities should recognise the range of forms of volunteering already undertaken in communities, and should count existing informal volunteering arrangements towards the requirement, rather than imposing additional burdens. (Paragraph 45)

8.  There is a danger that the activity condition, if implemented without proper consideration, could cause a glut of poorly regulated 'volunteers'. This could place undue and unwanted pressure on the voluntary sector and mean that migrants struggle to fulfil the condition, let alone engage in meaningful activity. The Government must ensure not only that it fully engages with the voluntary sector, but that it also acts upon its advice in implementing the condition. (Paragraph 46)

Vulnerable groups

9.  As currently drafted, the discretionary power of the Secretary of State to exempt individuals from the activity condition is vague and broad, and could be open to application in an ad hoc or arbitrary way. Evidence taken in previous inquiries suggests to us that the impact of restricted access to services or benefits, and of the activity condition requirements, on victims of human trafficking, domestic violence or forced marriage with insecure immigration status may be especially grave. The Government should make public its intentions for the operation of the discretionary power, and in addition should make an explicit exemption for certain abused groups, including refugees, victims of domestic violence and human trafficking. (Paragraph 57)

10.  It is unacceptable that administrative failures within the Home Office which have led to a serious backlog in determining asylum cases should penalise legitimate refugees by prolonging the time they spend on temporary leave and consequently the time taken to qualify for probationary citizenship. We welcome the Government's amendments at Report stage in the Lords which introduce a discretionary power to waive the requirement to have had a qualifying immigration status for whole of the qualifying period, introduced in response to concerns about refugees. However, we recommend that the Government should set out on the face of the Bill that this discretion will apply to refugees, unless there are exceptional circumstances why it should not. (Paragraph 58)

Immigration-related judicial review

11.  We consider it inappropriate for the Home Office to have led the consultation on transfer of immigration-related judicial review to the unified tribunals system, when it is itself the subject of immigration-related judicial review proceedings. It is unclear what safeguards were enacted to ensure that consultation and decision-making within the Home Office in this regard did not involve a conflict of interest. (Paragraph 76)

12.  We recognise that there is a very real problem of overburdening in the higher courts as a result of large numbers of immigration-related judicial review applications. We do, however, believe that this overburdening is due in no small part to historically poor initial decision-making by the Home Office, and the significant backlog of decisions in asylum cases. These failings on the part of the Home Office must not be compensated for by a lessening of appeal rights in those complex cases which do engage human rights issues or constitutional principles. (Paragraph 77)

13.  We do not object in principle to cases which are not highly significant or complex being considered in the Upper Tribunal. However, for the smaller number of cases which are significant and complex, we agree with those who have argued that these should be heard by a High Court judge, either in the Upper Tribunal or in the High Court. (Paragraph 78)

Other matters

14.  We have some concern that the additional responsibilities in this Bill will impose a significant extra burden on the Chief Inspector of the UK Border Agency, which is already a new post, and one whose capacity to oversee the whole of the UK Border Agency we have previously questioned. We agree with the Immigration Law Practitioners Association that the Chief Inspector's office may require a corresponding increase in resources to meet the additional burdens imposed by this Bill if his role is to be effective. (Paragraph 82)


 
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