Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords]


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Mr. Goodman: The Minister has not answered some of our questions, such as how many court cases she expects as a result of the legislation.
Ms Winterton: Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has not understood what I said about not having criminal prosecutions and financial penalties. There is always the possibility of judicial review, but I was talking about an approach by which to ensure that the comprehensive area assessments and the other mechanisms for monitoring local authorities are used to make sure that the duty is fulfilled. That is not an unusual approach in how we work with local government, but one that I am sure Opposition Members, with all their experience of local government, know to be an effective way of proceeding.
Mr. Jackson: What is the logical extension of the Minister’s point about non-compliance with the clause, if it stands part of the Bill and becomes part of the Act? Will local authorities have a key performance indicator for this part of the Act, will that be used and will it have a direct correlation with the financial settlement that central Government seeks to make to those local authorities?
Ms Winterton: We shall certainly have a key performance indicator as a result of the Bill.
Mr. Curry: Will the Minister confirm that she has just added to the performance indicator scale? Her late-resigned predecessor kept telling us the extent to which the Government were taking away all the apparatus and gendarmerie of monitoring and supervision.
Ms Winterton: As I understand it, the key performance indicator is available if authorities wish to choose it. I can of course write further clarification to hon. and right hon. Members, but that is the situation.
I hope that with those explanations of some of the principles that we are adopting, the Committee will recognise the importance of ensuring that we do something to address the problem adequately because the ability of local people to understand, influence and shape local services is vital. In the light of that, I hope that the Committee will accept clause 1 and reject the amendments.
Dan Rogerson: We have had a debate that has been lively in parts, but also somewhat circular. The Opposition feel that the legislative need for the clause has yet to be demonstrated, but the Government feel that they are justified in legislating when the issue could happily be dealt with by offering support or by encouraging local authority representative bodies to work together to promote best practice.
I signalled that amendment 37 was a probing amendment intended to allow a debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Falmouth and Camborne underlined the distinction between the support and encouragement given to individual local authority members to promote greater understanding of what authorities can and cannot do and the support and encouragement that are part of the relationship between the Department for Communities and Local Government and local authorities, where money is made available to authorities to promote such understanding on a corporate basis.
In the amendment, we are saying that if the Government see fit to impose a duty on local authorities, that will presumably be taken account of in the moneys made available to them. If so, we should recognise the fact that individual members of the authority might have a different view or a different way in which they want to proceed from that dictated by the council, which may have a particular complexion. There is a distinction between the role of a member and the role of the local authority, as the body corporate. Having said that, I do not intend to press the amendment.
We are debating clause stand part at the same time as the amendment. Although the Minister has valiantly jumped in to deal with this rather dodgy Bill and do the best she can to make the case for it, there is clearly a difference of opinion in the Committee about whether imposing a duty on local authorities is necessary or the right thing to do.
The Minister set out the means by which local authorities might be judged, which differ from those set out by one of her Back-Bench colleagues in a new clause that was not selected. We are telling local authorities that they have to do something, but we are not telling them how they will be judged. It is like telling a motorist that they must obey the speed limit, but that they can define it for themselves. That is an odd way to proceed.
Mr. Jackson: Is the hon. Gentleman as confused as I am by the answer that the Minister gave just before he began his remarks? She said that a voluntary methodology would be used to assess whether the clause is being complied with. Local authorities listed in clause 1(3)(a) to (d) will, in effect, choose to be assessed on whether they comply with the clause. Is the clause not therefore completely specious? Is it not unnecessary to include it in the Bill?
Dan Rogerson: The hon. Gentleman undersells his own contribution to the debate in implying that he is confused. In fact, it is the Government who are confused over how the provisions will operate.
Ms Winterton: Local authorities choose, as part of their local area agreements, which key performance indicators they wish to be assessed against. The hon. Gentleman also mentioned finance. Obviously, a lot of the funding for the work in the clause can be embedded in existing work, but we made it clear that we will fund local authorities to respond to the duty.
Dan Rogerson: I am grateful to the Minister for intervening. She is referring back to my earlier remarks. I was seeking to make the distinction between the ability of a local member to access money and support to do this as opposed to the council as a whole doing it. Although I may later seek the Committee’s leave to withdraw the amendment, my point still stands. We need clarification on how local members might be able to access that support and funding as opposed to how the governing party of an authority might choose to do so.
Let me return to the intervention of the hon. Member for Peterborough. If this clause becomes part of the Bill and the Bill goes on to the statute book, we are imposing a duty on all local authorities. However, if they react to it in the way in which they say, they will not seek to have this as one of their key targets. That underlines how unnecessary the measure is. As the right hon. Member for Skipton and Ripon said, the Government have made great play of how they have streamlined that whole process, and now they seek to add something extra to that whole menu of choices that local authorities have to negotiate with the DCLG on how it will be assessed. That can be done perfectly adequately through best practice and through working with local authorities to encourage them to do it through the representative bodies that already exist. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Question put, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Committee divided: Ayes 9, Noes 7.
Division No. 1]
AYES
Cooper, Rosie
Efford, Clive
Gardiner, Barry
Heppell, Mr. John
McCarthy-Fry, Sarah
Raynsford, rh Mr. Nick
Stewart, Ian
Watts, Mr. Dave
Winterton, rh Ms Rosie
NOES
Curry, rh Mr. David
Dunne, Mr. Philip
Goldsworthy, Julia
Goodman, Mr. Paul
Jackson, Mr. Stewart
Lilley, rh Mr. Peter
Rogerson, Dan
Question accordingly agreed to.
Clause 1 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2

Democratic arrangements of connected authorities
Question proposed: That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Mr. Curry: I want to ask for clarity on one or two points. Subsection (1) talks about a duty “to promote understanding”. I should like to know how local authorities can do that. Is it the same as raising awareness, which is one of the favourite things that lobby groups talk about? I have spent most of my political career trying to dampen down awareness, which is by far the most sensible thing to do in our profession.
Then we come to paragraphs (a), (b) and (c). Should the little word “and” appear after each paragraph so that it reads, “the functions of authorities” and “the democratic arrangements” and
“how members of the public can take part.”?
Or are they choices, because when we come to the explanation of the authorities concerned, some have absolutely no democratic credentials. My primary care trust is not elected in any shape or form. Nobody is elected to a primary care trust, so how can we promote the democratic credentials of a body that has none?
Mr. Goodman: The Minister muttered from a sedentary position that those bodies have councillors on them, but I am not sure whether that makes them democratic. How can this possibly apply to a strategic health authority, the most remote kind of public body I have encountered in my eight years in this place?
12 noon
Mr. Curry: That is precisely the case and there is a very serious point behind this. Quite rightly, the Government wish social services departments and health bodies to act more closely together because the links between them are close and they depend to a significant extent on one another. Social services are subject to local authority control because they have elected councillors, but health authorities are not. I know that health trusts have elections, but turnout is so low that it must mean that the electorate is very small. I suspect that the only smaller electorate in the world is that which re-elects hereditary peers from among the Liberal Democrats in the House of Lords. That is the world’s most micro electorate. The turnout for people electing health trusts is around 2 per cent.
My question is very simple and my right hon. Friend the Member for Suffolk, Coastal raised it in the Chamber. How can one promote democratic arrangements for bodies that have no democracy in them? What do you say about them when trying to fulfil this clause? I would be fascinated to know and to find out quite what “promoting understanding” means and how one does it.
Mr. Goodman: It is a pleasure to follow my right hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon who has, as ever, put his finger on some of the problematic aspects of the clause.
I presume that this clause will also give rise to a performance indicator that a local authority may or may not choose to accept. It is likely that most of them will not and it is very hard to see why this is in the Bill at all. If the Minister’s answer had been other than it was, I concede that it would have been heavy-handed on the part of central Government. Like so many of these clauses, it veers between heavy-handedness and being completely unnecessary. On that theme, let me turn to the clause itself.
As my right hon. Friend said, the clause sets out a duty to promote understanding and names a number of bodies. The inclusion of the bodies concerned and the exclusion of others was heavily debated in the Lords. Then, near the end in subsection (6), we are told that this list which we are now debating properly—as we should be able to—can be amended without any democratic consideration whatever. This is a point to which I will return. My right hon. Friend raised the point about the promotion of understanding so I will not go over that again, but the Committee will be curious, as was the Lords, to hear the justification for the list of these bodies before us today.
Mr. Jackson: In studying this particular part of the clause is my hon. Friend, like me, slightly philosophical about what should and should not be included? Many of these bodies have an interface with their localities and local constituents and deliver key public services. Given that, why does he think, for instance, that the Child Support Agency—or whatever it is now called—or the Borders and Immigration Agency, where we are forced to wait twelve months or more for an answer to questions, are not included in this list? Hon. Members will know that we have a significant case load of local people in our constituencies concerned about those departments.
Mr. Goodman: My hon. Friend makes a very good point. I will come to it in a moment because, by rising, he happily jogged my memory about a key issue in relation to this clause. It is one I think we should raise at the start of many of these clauses and which was raised at the start of clause 1. It returns to the simple question of why on earth we need any of this set out on the statute book in the first place. There is a long list of bodies and a duty to promote understanding. |Of course a local authority should do that; we have no quarrel with the idea. It is a good one, and we can see why Ministers and the Government support it, but the moment one begins to set all that out in statute, it gives rise to questions such as the one that my hon. Friend just asked, to which I shall return in a moment.
The hon. Member for Falmouth and Camborne asked why duties should not be placed on other bodies to promote an understanding of local authorities. It is a question that applies in the clause. Here is a long list of bodies—chief officer of police, the broads authority, a national park authority and so on—and the Government believe it essential to write into statute that local authorities should promote understanding of what they do.
Mr. Curry: If my hon. Friend goes further, he will notice that the Government must promote understanding of Uncle Tom Cobleigh and all. Will not local authorities spend the entirety of their time and use their whole staff promoting understanding of functions that they no longer have the time to carry out?
Mr. Goodman: Of course, and with all the costs and complications that follow. My right hon. Friend raises an interesting avenue of exploration. If the Government are determined to foist all these obligations on local authorities to promote understanding of bodies that the Government claim are democratic, such as primary care trusts—although the Minister intervened to say, sotto voce, that they include elected councillors—will the Government, by their own logic, propose another measure placing on all those bodies a duty to promote the understanding of local authorities? If not, why not? We look forward to the Minister telling us.
Turning to the matter of who is on the list, my hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough raised the question of the Child Support Agency. He asked, in effect, “If a strategic health authority, why not the Child Support Agency?” It is hard to see why not. As my right hon. Friend reminded us, if the Bill could usefully be called the Thurrock Bill, the clause could usefully be called the Suffolk, Coastal clause, because late in the day on Second Reading, my right hon. Friend the Member for Suffolk, Coastal (Mr. Gummer) rose to his feet and made a blistering speech pointing out that it was hard to see how some of the bodies grouped together—for example, in subsection 3—could be considered democratic bodies.
I take the Minister’s point about primary care trusts, but I find it hard to understand how a strategic health authority can remotely be considered democratic. I do not know what it is like down in the south-west, but most of us in the south-east have no idea where our strategic health authority is or what it does. I cannot remember when we last met with it, although the hon. Lady and the hon. Member for North Cornwall might be more fortunate. Those bodies are so remote from local people as to prompt the question what on earth they are doing in the clause.
 
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