Finance Bill


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Mr. Hoban: Will the hon. Lady give way?
Angela Eagle: Before the hon. Gentleman leaps to his feet, I will deal with the point that he might wish to make. I can assure the Committee that clause 25 will only have effect when the company has given an undertaking to surrender its right to benefit from tax losses and other reliefs under arrangements entered into with HM Treasury, or any other public body, and when the Government are providing financial support. The clause will only become relevant in those narrow and particular circumstances.
Mr. Hoban: The hon. Lady is absolutely right that the clause relates to those circumstances, but as I indicated in my remarks, the Government have supported several schemes in which they give financial support to see businesses through this time. We are talking about European Investment Bank guarantees, and there are other schemes. What criteria will be used by the Treasury to determine whether the agreements it has reached or the support it has given to businesses should lead to those companies forgoing their tax losses?
Angela Eagle: This is not a general approach that we are going to apply across the piece. The hon. Gentleman knows that we have not applied it to Lloyds in its access to the asset protection scheme, even though we have agreed with RBS that it should forgo some of the tax reliefs and losses.
Mr. Hoban: Will the Minister give way?
Angela Eagle: I will in a minute when I have finished what I am trying to say.
Therefore, the approach will apply only when it is explicitly part of an agreement that is made between the particular company and HM Treasury. It will not be applied retrospectively to a range of general agreements that have already been reached. This is about having access to particular assistance, in this case from the asset protection scheme, through an arrangement made between HM Treasury and the company concerned. I hope that will reassure the hon. Gentleman that this is not just a general sweeping power that we intend to apply across the piece to help and assistance that the Government may wish to give to industry in general. It is much more specific and narrow than that.
Mr. Hoban: I understand the Minister’s point about it being specific. She drew a distinction between the treatment of Lloyds and RBS. But once this power is in the Bill, and given the breadth of the power and the range of circumstances it could cover, businesses will ask whether they want to accept this help from the Government in return for forgoing tax losses and in what circumstances the Government would ask them to forgo those tax losses. Although the Minister says that it refers to a particular historical event, the breadth of the clause makes it more widely applicable in future to agreements reached between the Government and particular businesses. Those businesses might want some clarity about when the Government might seek to take advantage of this clause.
Angela Eagle: The asset protection scheme is not one of those things that comes into existence every day of the week. We are not likely, hopefully, to need schemes such as that regularly in future. It is a response to a critical situation that has arisen in the global financial markets and the credit crunch. I hope the hon. Gentleman will accept that.
Stewart Hosie: The Minister is right about the asset protection scheme: there are one or two banks involved and there may be one or two more. In terms of the potential scale, there is also the working capital scheme, the enterprise finance guarantee scheme, the capital for enterprise fund, the asset purchase scheme, the direct assistance to the automotive industry and £1.3 billion of EU additional funding. That could cover a large number of companies receiving aid in one form or another that might be invited to surrender tax reliefs as well. Should we not have some concerns that the proposal might grow arms and legs unnecessarily?
Angela Eagle: Although Opposition Members have said that this is a wide-ranging clause, they have also acknowledged that it would be applied in a very narrow range of circumstances in which a bilateral agreement has been reached between HMT and a particular company in order to pay for access to Government support. Effectively, we are talking about getting good value for taxpayers’ money, if we are essentially acting as insurers of last resort to companies who have got themselves into difficulties. That is one of the ways that access to such support might be paid for in certain circumstances. In those circumstances, there must be a bilateral arrangement as part of an application to get Government support.
[Mr Jim Hood in the Chair]
What we propose is not a general principle to be applied across the board. I hope I have made that clear and I hope that offers some reassurance to Opposition Members. In addition, subsection (3) ensures that giving up tax reliefs in return for Government assistance under such designated arrangements does not create any new tax relief either to a company that has given up reliefs or to any other person. For example, no tax relief will be due when one company in a group that has benefited directly from the asset protection scheme compensates another company for forgoing tax relief. In that circumstance, the clause denies any relief for the compensation payment. I therefore move that it should stand part of the Bill.
Mr. Hoban: We are debating amendments, Mr. Hood, although it has transformed into a wider debate about the clause. I would not have spent so much time on this matter if it had been restricted purely to the one transaction of RBS and the asset protection scheme. I understand why the legislative underpinning needs to be in place to enable RBS to surrender its losses. If there had been a way of drafting the measure to restrict it, I think that it would have gone through on the nod without much debate, other than my asking when the APS might be signed off.
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My concern is that the clause is much more widely drafted. It relates to particular companies and financial support, but it can also be used to enable an agreement to be reached with a company to forgo its losses in return for financial support. In the Minister’s statement, there is no clarity as to the future circumstances in which the measure will be used. That is where I have a problem, as it is a wide-ranging clause that could be used in the future.
Let us return to the example of Vauxhall, or let us suppose, for example, that a rail franchise collapsed. If the Department for Transport wanted to bail out the company, the Government could say that in return for that support, they wanted the company to surrender its tax losses. That might be restricted to the losses made on that franchise, or could be related to the wider business. I am not comfortable with the breadth of the clause.
I hope the hon. Gentleman is reassured that for other support—of which there is a great deal at the moment, with a number of schemes that support various parts of industry—we have not insisted on tax losses being relinquished as part of the structure or payment that we expect for that support. This is a narrow provision and must be agreed between the company that is asking for support and HMT. Although it is potentially wide, paradoxically it is also narrow at the same time.
Mr. Hoban: I take that point and that is why in my remarks to wind up the debate I said that if the provision had been entirely related to the narrow example of RBS, it would have gone through on the nod. The fact is that it could be used more widely in the future.
The Minister talks about the RBS scheme, which is potentially a huge financial cost to the taxpayer and a big event. We have seen other examples in which seemingly innocuous clauses in Bills have been used with a wider impact at a later stage, in ways that had not been envisaged at the time. Yes, a bilateral agreement must be reached with the company, but there is sometimes an asymmetrical relationship between the Government and a company in terms of the power that each has and how one might be prepared to do the other’s bidding because of the circumstances at the time.
I am not sure that there are sufficient safeguards for the use of this power in the future, and I would be happier if it had been restricted to implementing what is seen as a one-off deal in the context of RBS and the asset protection scheme. What has happened before provides some comfort, but not total confidence, about how the power will be used in future.
As the Minister has made points about the uncertainty that might arise as a consequence of waiting for parliamentary scrutiny, I am not minded to press the amendment this evening, although I am not sure how robust her argument is. I will reflect on a different approach to tackling clause 25 on Report. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Clause 25 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 26

Contaminated and derelict land
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Mr. Hoban: I wish to explore some of the background to land remediation relief in the Bill. The Government have tabled a number of amendments to schedule 7. As I understand it, land remediation relief is given at 150 per cent. of the actual cost of remediation. Remediation costs include labour and materials incurred directly or through a contractor. When a business is profitable, the relief can be used to reduce the corporation tax payable. When a business is not profitable, it can claim a repayment capped at 16 per cent. of the lower cost of the qualifying expenditure or unrelieved losses.
I understand that the objective of the relief is to bring forward brownfield sites for development, particularly ones that have been contaminated. The draft statutory instruments that have been published alongside the clause discuss three aspects of contamination: radon, arsenic and Japanese knotweed. I will return to Japanese knotweed in a moment.
The Government have put great pressure on brownfield developments. A long time ago, the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister set a target that 60 per cent. of new developments should be built on brownfield sites. However, the definition of a brownfield site is quite elastic. Many houses have been built in my constituency on brownfield sites that other people might know as back gardens and former nursing homes. On brownfield sites previously used as industrial sites, chemicals may be left behind that have to be eradicated before the site is developed.
The pressure to build on brownfield sites meant that their value was pushed up until the recent property crash, particularly when there was a relatively low cost of remediation. The cost of remediation is a barrier to sites being used for development. It is therefore understandable that relief is made available to help mitigate the cost of remediation of the land. That is such an obvious point that it is difficult to understand why it has taken so long to get to the point in legislation where we try to improve the availability of the relief.
Lord Rogers’s urban task force, which reported in 1999, suggested that additional relief should be given to developers to decontaminate land. That did not include long-term derelict land. The Barker review of 2004 cited decontamination of brownfield sites as one of the principal barriers to redevelopment of such areas. Two years later, Professor Barker carried out another review. The Chancellor in those days was keen to commission a review in every Budget on all sorts of subjects. Professor Barker got good work out of that. Her review of land use and planning in 2006 said that the Government should consult on the reform of remediation relief to encourage new developments.
In 2007, there was a consultation on tax incentives for the development of brownfield land that looked at better targeting of land remediation relief and increasing certainty and publicity for the relief. The Government concluded:
“In light of the responses to the consultation the Government is minded to take a number of steps to improve the certainty of this relief. In particular, HMRC will be considering how to improve guidance and what mechanisms could be used to ensure that the relief is better publicised. This should help to ensure that financial planning takes full account of the relief from the start.”
We seem to have spent an awfully long time talking about and consulting on this, to get to the process before us today. Even after that long gestation period, the Government are still minded to table two amendments. I should have thought this would be a textbook bit of legislation after so much consultation, and that it would pop, fully formed, into the Bill, without needing to be amended at this stage.
An important issue that I have noted from my constituency is that the relief should be extended to Japanese knotweed. The draft statutory instrument refers specifically to the three botanical types of Japanese knotweed, which apparently holds the title as Britain’s most invasive plant. According to the BBC, its removal from the Olympic site in east London could cost hundreds of thousands of pounds. Apparently, it has bamboo-like stems and clusters of creamy flowers. It sounds exotic, but it is very expensive to remove. It can flourish in any soil, so hon. Members with poor soil in their garden might consider that it would provide an attractive plant, but it overwhelms other plants and damages ecosystems. It has the ability to grow through walls, tarmac and concrete.
Mr. Todd: It kills horses as well.
Mr. Hoban: Indeed. Experts say that a new plant can grow from a piece of root the size of a garden pea. It is clearly a problem, and I know that from my experience, because there was a development plan for my constituency to build the final stage of a road through a site that is known locally as Warsash motors.
Mr. Todd: I used to live down there.
Mr. Hoban: I know. The road was planned when I was elected in 2001, and has been completed only recently. The reason why it has taken so long to complete is that the county council looked at the cost of removing the knotweed, and thought it easier to poison it and allow it to die naturally rather than try to dig it out. So, I think that people will welcome the fact that Japanese knotweed is covered by the measure, although they might regret the fact that it has taken rather longer than expected to get to this point.
I want to raise with the Minister a few points that emerged from the regulatory impact assessment. The cost of the measure is about £30 million to £40 million a year over a five-to-10 year period, so there is an aggregate cost of somewhere between £150 million and £400 million, but in the RIA, there is no monetised amount for the benefit of that cost. Will the Minister indicate how much land she thinks will be brought forward for development as a consequence of the measure? Alternatively, have the Government been waiting so long that the measure will not bring forward any land at all? I am interested to know what work they have done to understand the benefits and the sort of sites that would come forward for development that have not been coming forward, so we can protect some of our greenfield sites and allow these contaminated brownfield sites to be developed.
According to the RIA, very few people would be disadvantaged by the measure, but one group that will be disadvantaged are those who deal with knotweed currently and send it to landfill sites. Are there many contractors who just take it to landfill sites? What will be the impact on the landfill levy of the introduction of this remediation relief, which will reduce the number of people taking knotweed to landfill sites? I presume that the cost has been netted off, or factored in, to the RIA.
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