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Mr. Boswell: I have little to add to the debate except warm assent to almost all the points that have been made on both sides of the Committee. On the utility—or otherwise—of an inquest, the self-evident point that sometimes needs to be gently put into the minds of bereaved people is that whatever process we have, it will not reverse the process of death. The rather more general point is that the inquest may either be unable to reach a firm conclusion or reach one where perhaps there are no villains and nothing can be generalised from the particular proceedings. However, I think that the concern of all members of the Committee who have spoken is that if a pattern is building up, it should be the subject of a report. There should be a system that eventually produces at least an opportunity to capture the attention of Parliament.
As I have mentioned at least once in these deliberations, I have had a fairly long association with the British Lung Foundation and have taken an interest in mesothelioma. Much of this debate is about good practice. We will not really, in debating legislation, be able to introduce the requirements for good practice, except that I hope that the Minister has noted them.
I happen to know that the Department for Work and Pensions has an elaborate model and a database relating to all mesothelioma deaths and is able to predict the likely pattern of mortality over perhaps the next 40 or 50 years. If that were to be questioned by what was happening at inquests, and if the coroners’ accounts were sufficiently coherent to build up a pattern of a change in the epidemiology, it would be a matter of public interest.
Clearly, if we can use these narrative judgments or reports in the widest possible context, we can draw the attention of people in government or in public life to a variety of circumstances in which things might be better in the future, but one needs the facts to do that, so one needs a certain coherence in reporting. One needs a readiness to report and then, as the hon. Member for Stafford, among others, has said so clearly, an ability to respond on the part of the various interested persons for whom that report was made. The world is littered with White Papers and good intentions, none of which has ever been acted on because we have moved on to the next thing. I would take the process a stage further back and say that we need consistency and coherence in reporting.
The only other point that I shall add, which again is more a matter of administration than legislation, is that the chief coroner needs to be very alert. The chief coroner possibly needs a chief information officer to complement his activities and to look at the pattern of information as it comes in, to be able to analyse and cross-analyse it and to draw people’s attention to what is developing. Let me give an example. It is often easier to say that cars are all the same these days, but there might be a particular pattern of failure in a particular marque. Perhaps some component is wrong, or it might be brake failure or whatever—something more than one would normally expect by the nature of the accident. That should be flagged up and then someone should do something about it. I think that there is a common will on both sides of the Committee—I certainly wish to include the Minister in this, in anticipation of her remarks—to do something about that, but we should set up the best possible arrangements.
Mrs. Moon: It is difficult to rise to speak in this Committee when one is not a lawyer and one is surrounded by so many lawyers who speak so wisely and graphically about their involvement with the law. My background is much more with individuals and their personal experience of life. That is what I draw on when I consider the discussion that we have had today.
When I talk to families who have experienced inquests, I find that part of what they looked for from the inquest is some resolution to their grief. They look for answers and explanations as to “why”. It has been suggested that narrative verdicts are a particularly helpful way of providing that, in that they give a longer discussion and explanation of what may have occurred. Equally, narrative verdicts have caused distress—as have open verdicts—to families that were distressed by things that were said and placed in the public domain without a full understanding of the individual, their life and their background.
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I urge caution on seeing open and narrative verdicts as potentially useful ways forward. They also have risks in terms of suicide data collection, because in the case of narrative verdicts, they are not recorded as suicide and in the case of an open verdict it is down to a clerk in the Office for National Statistics to trawl through the information and decide whether it was a death by suicide. We have some problems there. I heartily concur with the suggestion that someone must be held to account and that where we can identify patterns of information and patterns of failure, someone clearly needs to be responsible for taking action. Bridgend was identified as a centre where there had been a cluster of suicides. In fact, Bridgend did not have the highest number of suicides across Wales—it was quite low down. What we had was a huge problem building up across Wales that was not being identified.
I also urge caution regarding the suggestion that the report must always come to Parliament. With devolved Administrations, health and transport are devolved issues. If the area of problematic behaviour or failure that needs to be identified is not within the purview of Parliament but within that of a devolved Administration, such as the Welsh Assembly, there may well be difficulties if the report comes only to Parliament, and we need to take that into account.
While I am on my feet, I must quickly mention the charter for the bereaved, which is extremely welcome. Families have told me that the judicial atmosphere of the coroner’s court—we have heard the description of the court based in central Cardiff—is horrendous. Imagine going there within six months, eight months or a year of the death of a close family member and having to face the welcome of a desk sergeant who tells one where to go, a judicial atmosphere, a sense of stigma and almost a sense of guilt. Families have talked to me about an invasion of privacy. Because of the need to pull together social and personal information, there is a feeling that there is almost a desire to find the dysfunctional nature of a family or individual, which can be particularly distressing in the full glare of media coverage.
I particularly welcome clause 5(3):
“Neither the senior coroner conducting an investigation under this Part into a person’s death nor the jury (if there is one) may express any opinion”.
Certainly, families have expressed concern about the following difference in procedure, and I would welcome a comment from the Minister. A coroner can express an opinion—and, indeed, hold a press conference in which to give an opinion—whereas a judge hearing a court case cannot do that. If, as my understanding is, that provision would preclude a coroner from doing that, families who have spoken to me would welcome it.
Briefly, on delayed inquests, particularly when there has been a tragic death, we must be mindful of intruding into the grieving process and of the fact that, for some families, the process is delayed and damaged by the need to return to court—sometimes, two or three years later—to hear graphic details of their family member’s death. There must be greater awareness of the damage that we can do to individuals through delayed inquests. The charter is an opportunity to help and prepare families prior to the inquest, and an opportunity to give them guidance and support through it, which is something that we must all welcome.
David Howarth (Cambridge) (LD): May I comment briefly on amendment 70? It addresses the principle of the matter, which is the restriction—the muzzling—of the jury. As the hon. Member for Bridgend has said, in some circumstances a jury’s extended account of the circumstances in which the death came about, or further information about how such deaths might be prevented in the future, might not always help. However, the question is whether the jury should be told that it should never be allowed to do anything of that sort. The hon. Lady shakes her head, and I think that she agrees that the jury should have that power, as should the coroner in cases without a jury. That is the principle of the debate about clause 5. I shall ask for a vote on amendment 70, so if my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, Central would be so kind as to withdraw her request for a vote on amendment 114, it would help, because amendment 70 is far more the matter of principle.
The hon. Member for North-West Norfolk mentioned amendment 39, the meaning of subsection (2) and the question raised by Mr. Rebello at our evidence sessions. Mr. Rebello is wrong, however. The Bill makes sense, although it is rather mean. It tries to provide for minimal compliance with human rights standards for the time being. Mr. Rebello read subsection (2) as meaning that when the Bill was passed, we would somehow decide the human rights requirements for an article 2 hearing—we would fix them—and tell coroners’ courts what they must do. He felt that that would be a rigid way of doing it, and that it would not necessarily comply with human rights law. But that is not what the provision in subsection (2) means. It means that a coroner conducting an investigation must apply human rights law as it stands, so there is no list of human rights requirements that is drawn up once and for all. The subsection also applies to every investigation, so a coroner making an investigation must ask himself whether the restrictions in subsection (1) would violate the human rights standards for the time being. If they would, the coroner would have to apply subsection (2) and go beyond it to ask in what circumstances the death occurred, which is the broader requirement in the Middleton case.
Mr. Boswell: May I use the hon. Gentleman’s comments as an opportunity to ask the Minister whether any training on the human rights convention and standards is envisaged for coroners? It is a complex field, and it may not be within their normal purview of activity.
David Howarth: That is an interesting question. I suspect that coroners, like all members of the judiciary, receive human rights training already. Magistrates certainly do, so I would be surprised if coroners did not. All public officials are bound by the Human Rights Act. Mr. Rebello’s criticism of clause 5(2)—that it is inflexible—is incorrect. If there is a criticism, it is that it is minimalist. Instead of admitting the general principle that the broader circumstances of a death should be investigated, at least where the state is involved, but possibly in other cases as well, clause 5(2) effectively states, rather mean-spiritedly, “Well, if not going further would violate human rights, go further, but otherwise just stick to clause 5(1).” That is the criticism, not the argument that Mr. Rebello stated in the evidence session and that the hon. Member for North-West Norfolk repeated just now.
The Chairman: May I ask the hon. Gentleman to resolve the differences with his colleague while the Minister is responding to the debate? In any case, any amendments requiring a Division will need to be moved formally, at which point a decision can be made.
Bridget Prentice: I shall attempt to respond in some detail and explain what clause 5 is about. In so doing, I hope that I can give some succour to some of the amendments, although not all of them.
Clause 5 outlines the matters that a coroner is legally obliged to ascertain during the course of the investigation. It does not prescribe what opinions he may express as a result of that investigation. People might have that impression because they are focusing too narrowly on clause 5 and not taking it in conjunction with clause 10 and paragraph 6 of schedule 4. In that context, it can be seen that coroners may make such comments at the end of their investigations. However, the purpose of a coroner’s investigation is not to apportion blame, but to ascertain fact. Any inquest forming part of an investigation is inquisitorial and collaborative; it does not seek to apportion blame or to establish legal liability.
David Howarth: Clause 10 puts in place yet another restriction on what the coroner or jury can say. Clause 10(2) states that whatever is said cannot
“be framed in such a way as to appear to determine any question of...criminal...or...civil liability.”
The clause seems to be restrictive, rather than expansive.
Bridget Prentice: I just said that the purpose of a coroner’s investigation is not to establish criminal liability, but fact, so I do not think that I am being inconsistent.
Amendment 39 relates to article 2 of the European convention on human rights and the Human Rights Act 1998. The hon. Member for Cambridge is right that there was a misunderstanding among some coroners giving evidence to the Committee. Subsection (2) provides the necessary flexibility to take into account future judgments changing or extending the circumstances in which convention rights apply. Coroners are already being trained in the application of the convention and being kept up to date with case law and so on. Also, regulations will be made dealing with training, which we can discuss under clause 28.
Mr. Boswell: To state the obvious, has the Minister not noticed that the fact that the senior coroner giving evidence to this Committee, who presumably is as skilled as, if not more skilled than, many of his colleagues, has difficulties interpreting the clause suggests that more attention needs to be paid to training and information than has hitherto been the case?
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Bridget Prentice: I accept the hon. Gentleman’s comments. Perhaps some revision and homework may need to be done in order to ensure that coroners fully understand what article 2 and the convention are about.
By their very nature, article 2 inquests probably need to be more wide-ranging than ordinary inquests. There are between 200 and 300 inquests that involve article 2, which is about 1 per cent. of all inquests that are heard each year. Such inquests are expected to address matters relating to the broad circumstances surrounding the death, rather than merely the “who, where, when and how” that would be required in the course of a normal inquest. If we were to remove clause 5(2), that would leave the Bill lacking in clarity as to what is required in article 2 inquests over and above what is normally required. Also, by removing clause 5(2), we would be ignoring existing case law. I hope that the hon. Member for North-West Norfolk withdraws that particular amendment.
Amendment 70 would remove from the face of the Bill the obligation not to express an opinion with respect to the matters to be ascertained under subsections (1) and (2). That obligation is there because those matters are matters of fact. There should be no room for additional opinion in determining those matters. Additionally, coroners should probably not be giving press conferences to discuss individual cases. They may, of course, talk about policy in general, but it is usually bad practice to be having press conferences about individual cases, regardless of the circumstances of those cases.
Subsection (3) contains the proviso that it is
“subject to paragraph 6 of Schedule 4.”
That means that coroners can make reports regarding the action to be taken to prevent future deaths, which is similar to reports that are currently under rule 43. That gives the coroner sufficient scope to make detailed reports on things that they think should be brought to the attention of those who have the power to take action to prevent further deaths.
There is also scope within the associated rules under clause 34 for narrative verdicts, for which the hon. Member for Cardiff, Central made an eloquent plea. However, my hon. Friend the Member for Bridgend gave an equally eloquent response on why such verdicts might not be particularly helpful to bereaved families. Given that the central aim that we are looking to achieve here is to make sure that the grieved families get the best possible service, it is a difficult area, because in some instances a narrative verdict can cause further distress. However, I accept that phrases such as “death by misadventure” do not really tell anyone very much about exactly what happened. Therefore, we have to give coroners some flexibility to express exactly what happened in a more rounded fashion than short versions such as “death by misadventure” or even “death by suicide”.
Not surprisingly, amendments 112 to 114 take the coroner further down the road of expressing an opinion, possibly even attributing blame and assigning civil or criminal liability. That is not the purpose of a coronial investigation.
 
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