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The Minister for Borders and Immigration (Mr. Phil Woolas): Thank you for your kind words, Sir Nicholas. I welcome you back to the Chair. I had hoped to have an Under-Secretary to help me, but that is not to be.
Ministers often resist Opposition amendments on the grounds that they were not invented here, although they rarely admit that. I assure the Committee that that is not the basis for my argument on new clause 2. As the hon. Member for Ashford said, there is a long-standing debate behind the suggestion and it has been debated within the police force and elsewhere. Indeed, the Government’s Green Paper consulted on a similar proposal—although it was not exactly the same in its range. Let me reassure the Committee that my argument is not based on the fact that the proposal is not my new clause.
There is an argument for what is being proposed. My hon. Friend the Member for Midlothian has put the argument, as have some people in the police force. The matter was also debated in the other place—although I do not think it was voted on. In the other place, my noble Friend Lord West of Spithead—known in the Department as west of Spithead as opposed to east of Manchester as in my case—set out the significant steps that the Government have already taken towards the objective that my hon. Friend raised: making sure that we have the best command and control to deal with what we all accept is a significant issue in the United Kingdom.
In addition to ensuring that we have the powers to strengthen our border controls for the purposes of migration management and customs detection, which we have been debating in the Bill and in relation to other things, we should make sure that we have the right structures in place. It is important that there is integration at the ports and airports, and through the postal service. The postal service is often overlooked in public debates on this matter because it is not an immediately visible facility, but our postal detection facilities are very important in relation to customs powers.
Increasingly, there has recently been what I have described as the exportation of the border—the juxtaposed controls at Calais, in Belgium and potentially elsewhere if dispersement happens. The hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington rightly picked me up on that. There has been integration of Customs and Revenue functions not only in relation to the border and immigration authority as was, but in relation to UK Visas. Traditionally, the staff whom the United Kingdom Government employ to check and issue visas came under the remit of the Foreign Office, but they now come under the UK Border Agency. Some 3,000 of our staff are employed overseas and that is a further exportation of the border.
I cannot argue against the new clause tabled by the hon. Member for Ashford on the basis that we do not want integrated structures; it is really a question of how best to achieve those objectives and how one draws the line. That is the basis of my argument. The provisions of part 1 provide a more robust legal framework for the UK Border Agency, so that it can build upon its successes. We are very proud of its successes and we think that we get an unfair hearing given the dangerous and difficult job that our people do.
On Second Reading, the hon. Member for Epsom and Ewell (Chris Grayling) made some criticisms of our border controls. I understand why, but let me briefly paint a picture of why we think we are improving the situation. I suppose I could be accused of making partisan points, but these are the facts. It is true that we now deport more people than ever—66,000 people were removed from the UK in 2008. I am sorry, but that figure is not more than ever as there were previous years when there were slightly more. However, in recent years there has been a significantly upward trend. Some 5,400 of those people were foreign national prisoners. A Home Secretary resigned over that issue and took responsibility for that. So it is incumbent on us to improve.
On illegal migrants, more than 1 million freight vehicles were searched last year, and as a result 28,000 attempts to enter the country illegally were stopped. I say “attempts”, not people, because some attempts involved the same people trying to get back in.
The hon. Member for Ashford is right to mention people trafficking. Our crime teams at major ports, working with the police authorities in the area and the Serious Organised Crime Agency, have successfully prosecuted more than 70 people who have been involved in organising smuggling and trafficking. A specialist team at Heathrow, the Paladin team, detected and helped 184 children last year who we believe were being trafficked.
On drugs and firearms smuggling, seizures of class A drugs reached record levels in 2008 and detection of illegal firearms doubled.
On organised crime directly, our approach has been to set up immigration crime partnerships across the UK. We have worked with the Association of Chief Police Officers on that. This is a difficult argument for me to get across, because it is a matter of where one draws the organisational boundary, but our strategy on a day-to-day basis is to work with local police officers. We have within our ranks more than 300 police officers who are seconded to the UK Border Agency local immigration teams, which work directly in the communities. The hon. Gentleman mentioned that border control is not just about the physical border, but is about our towns, villages and countryside, as well as urban areas.
Tom Brake: I am not sure whether the Minister is about to quote this figure, but I am sure he is painfully aware that, between 1997 and 2006, only 37 employers were found guilty of employing illegal immigrants, although, as he is also probably aware, the Government’s most recent estimate of illegal immigrant numbers, which dates back to 2001, shows there are 430,000 of them. However, only a rather small number of employers have been prosecuted.
The new structures that we have put in place—the Bill is intended to provide a statutory footing for the final pieces of the jigsaw—are delivering successes, although not perhaps as many as the public would like to see. Nevertheless, they are doing so.
On the effectiveness of the action that we take with regard to employers, under the fines that we have put in place we have now successfully, through the civil penalties regime, issued 1,800 fines worth a total of £18 million from February 2008 to the end of April this year. Those fines do not just deter or punish the transgressors; they deter others and, critically, they address the pull factor, which is a major difficulty faced by this country, alongside border control, which the people traffickers exploit. I accept the point made by the hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington.
My argument is that the picture is not, as the hon. Member for Epsom and Ewell has tried to paint it, one of failure, but one of growing success. There is no disagreement in the Committee or the House on the need to strengthen our borders. The argument is that there should be a single unified agency for UK borders encompassing all immigration, revenue, customs and police functions. The amendment that was tabled and discussed in the other place and is replicated here would not bring that about.
Lord Stevens of Kirkwhelpington proposed an all-encompassing agency. I read his report, which is serious not just because of his experience and the fact that he is a serious member of the other place, but because it addresses the argument in the Green Paper. At the time of the report, the Border and Immigration Agency existed, but not the new UK Border Agency, which incorporates HM Revenue and Customs. The key point in Lord Stevens’s report is that HMRC and the Border and Immigration Agency should be brought together with the agencies that he listed. My argument is that evolution of the agency has brought a large part of Lord Stevens’s intentions together.
To repeat what my noble Friend said, we do not rule out the hon. Gentleman’s proposition. It has merit, but we have some important arguments about the organisation’s remit and the organisational disruption that it could cause. Critically, we have arguments about how best to obtain the co-operation in practice of the existing 43 police authorities in England and Wales, the one in Northern Ireland and the eight in Scotland. How can we get them to work better with us? Our fear is that if we encompass all police functions in the agency, it may be more difficult in practice to obtain the assistance of local police forces.
Mr. Hamilton: The forces have evolved to where they are, and some people will always oppose change, but the vast majority of people whom the new force would consist of are the very people who are there already, so it would not be difficult to transfer into one structure. I suggest that in the long term that must be the only way forward. Having one structure makes more sense than having around 49 forces.
Mr. Woolas: I point to two factors. The first is the experience of the British Transport police. Many people, but not the Government, argue that the British Transport police should be integrated with local police forces, especially the Met.
On the second factor, my hon. Friend was quite right when he said that many of the schoolchildren he visits take foreign holidays. That is due to the success of the economic policies of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. Disposable income and wealth in this country have increased as the economy has grown, and that has brought about greater overseas travel—60 million of our citizens travel to France and Spain every year.
The Chairman: Order. I hope that the Minister will connect what he is saying with the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Bill. He seems to have strayed a little.
Mr. Burns: He has gone on a journey.
1.30 pm
Mr. Woolas: How do we police the increase in global movement? Some 285 million people travel in and out of the United Kingdom each year, and that number is growing.
Let me provide some examples of the practical co-operation between those police forces and the UK Border Agency in my hon. Friend’s area. In the aftermath of the Glasgow airport bombings, UKBA identified the suspects together with the Strathclyde and Metropolitan police, and provided the background information for the convictions that were secured. The serious question that we have to ask—not just wearing our party political hats, but as Members of Parliament—is, would we be better equipped to secure such convictions with a single force, as opposed to less co-operation with the local police force, if that partnership was not embedded in?
Operation Warren, again with Strathclyde police, dismantled the largest sham-marriage scam in the United Kingdom—107 marriages—the main facilitator of which was convicted and imprisoned. The second part of Warren secured the arrest and conviction of another of the main organisers. On Operation Grange, which as my hon. Friend knows was to do with the Moira Jones murder, the assistance of UKBA was requested by Strathclyde police to help identify the suspect. The hon. Member for Ashford will say that that co-operation could exist, and of course it could, but my argument is about balance. There are other examples, but I will not detain the Committee with them.
I was talking about the Stevens report, which was undertaken at a time when some of the major functions were not already brought together as they are now. Indeed, on future recommendations, he said, in proposal 5:
“Administering effective and efficient border security would require a range of partnerships with international bodies”,
including the Identity and Passport Service as well. We have not gone that far. One can see that, from the viewpoint of UKBA, there would be some sense in a merger of the two. However, I am not sure whether that would make sense from the viewpoint of a focused delivery of the passport service. Again, I do not dismiss that idea; I take it seriously.
Proposal 2 in the report says that the border protection and security police force would need warranted powers to stop, search and arrest for all offences anywhere within the jurisdiction of the UK. That relates to the point made by the hon. Member for Ashford about Totnes. Again, I argue that by having a partnership with Devon police—
Mr. Burns: Devon and Cornwall.
Mr. Woolas: Yes, it is one police authority; thank you. I do not believe that if we had a national, single police force, either within UKBA or parallel to it, its focus would mean, as proposal 2 suggests, that we would effectively be able to tackle the Totneses of this world.
The increasing success of the border controls for which I am attempting to build consensus will increasingly highlight visa overstayers and illegal immigrants. In future, the authorities will have much better, more straightforward and comprehensive intelligence on those overstayers that will help in enforcing that new policy and removing illegal immigrants. But the resources that we will require to enforce that policy, particularly from the point of view of deterrence and addressing the pull factor, will involve even more co-operation with the police authorities. That is an important point.
The Green Paper, “From the neighbourhood to the national”, consulted on what model of policing would best operate alongside UKBA at our borders. We received a range of responses. It is true that people in the police forces take different views. The hon. Member for Ashford has prayed in aid some of those views, but I pray in aid the official policy of ACPO. Its formal view remained in favour of a single border police force, rather than an all-encompassing agency, so as a half way between our two positions, there should be a force parallel to UKBA.
Damian Green: As both the Minister and the hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington pointed out, the new clause does specifically what ACPO is talking about.
Mr. Woolas: Except that the ACPO response acknowledged that its preferred model would require much further work, planning, and, critically, additional funding.
Kent police—the hon. Gentleman’s force—forcibly rejects the idea of a national force, which is probably why ACPO does not go the whole hog. The Kent force has significant experience—probably the most experience outside the Met and, possibly, Thames Valley as well—and it does not wish to lose that power.
The Association of Police Authorities also strongly opposes the proposal for a national border force. It can see the drawbacks, particularly over the financing. Were we to provide for a new force in the legislation, we would require detailed work on the funding. Would it top slice local authorities’ council tax? How would it be paid for? These are serious matters.
To answer the hon. Member for Ashford, however, we must say what we are doing instead that is better than his proposal. The work that we do with ACPO to enhance the arrangements for our police borders is, therefore, of critical importance. We have a phased approach to that work. First, it focuses on counter-terrorism and special branch activity, developing border policing with the police counter-terrorism network of dedicated regional counter-terrorism units and counter-terrorism intelligence units, which themselves sit alongside special branch. In that regard, would we take just the special branch function into the UKBA, or would we leave it separate? Again, there would be a demarcation line. The next phase is to improve consistency of standards and better co-ordination of border policing, and then to build on our existing collaborative approach with other agencies.
The ACPO president was recently in correspondence with the Minister for Security, Counter-Terrorism, Crime and Policing about the shape of that programme of work. By its very nature, some of that activity is not visible to the public; much of special branch’s work is, necessarily, not in the public eye. However, we in the Home Office, and the leadership of the police service, with whom we are engaged on the work, are clear that tangible improvements to public safety have resulted from it. The work is in the context of our Contest strategy.
The proposals refer to arrangements with the police. Central to our strategy is the idea of—indeed the existence of—immigration crime partnerships. They are being put into place around the country and involve UKBA staff locally with local authorities. As I have said, the key to resisting illegal immigration is the pull factor. We believe local crime partnerships are the best way to deal with it; for instance, UKBA staff are embedded in police counter-trafficking teams at Heathrow. I have already mentioned Paladin; experienced detectives from the child abuse investigation command of the Metropolitan police are working with us. UKBA officers are embedded in the human trafficking centre in Sheffield, where their immigration experience and knowledge adds significant value. Since 2007, all border force staff have been required to complete a training package designed to help identify traffickers and their victims.
We believe that those local immigration crime partnerships are better at getting the necessary co-operation with police forces. There is another significant advantage of that approach, which I fear is lacking from the Lord Stevens approach—it is a question of balance and judgment. That advantage is our ability to use immigration law in the wider fight against crime.
We all know that the people who organise crime in our country do not just organise one bit of crime. They do not just do illegal trafficking and let another gang do drugs and another gang do cash laundering, so breaking those criminal gangs has to be done with that in mind. To have a police force that concentrates just on immigration and customs—in fact, a fairly wide remit—does not address the point that to break those gangs a wider focus is needed on the gang than on the activity. I mentioned earlier the Eliot Ness strategy—the gangster Al Capone was caught by a tax accountant, not by a police officer. In that respect, there is a parallel.
As my noble Friend said in the other place, there are compelling arguments for our proposal. There is the argument that I first used about the disruptive effect that it would have were it to take place immediately. I refer the Committee to the comments of the hon. Member for Ashford when we discussed clause 3 on Tuesday morning. He was addressing the amendment about the designation of general customs officers. He made a consistent statement of conservative philosophy, with which I have some sympathy: “If it ain’t bust don’t fix it”. He said:
“While we are discussing the amendment, this would be an appropriate time for the Minister to give us an update on the progress of the merger of the organisations, because he will be more aware than I am that HMRC and UKBA are two very separate organisations with different cultures that he is trying to bring together. One hears of stresses and strains, which is not surprising and is entirely normal, but certainly those stresses and strains are there...Are those different groups of people, with their different training, backgrounds and organisational cultures, actually working together smoothly, or could that be best described as a work in progress?”——[Official Report, Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Public Bill Committee, 9 June 2009; c. 20.]
The hon. Gentleman went on to say that there were many practical issues. He was right, and just as he was right about the general transfer of duties, I am right about the fact that if we brought the police force into the UKBA at this stage of its evolution, we would cause chaos. I pray in aid the good old-fashioned principle of “If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it”.
 
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