Violent Crime Reduction Bill


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New Clause 23

Corresponding provision for northern ireland

    ‘Schedule (Weapons, etc.: corresponding provisions for Northern Ireland) (which makes provision for Northern Ireland corresponding to that made by the preceding provisions of this Part, other than sections (Prohibition on sale or transfer of air weapons except by registered dealers) to 28, 35 and (Power to search persons in attendance centres for weapons) has effect.’.—[Hazel Blears.]

Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill.


 
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New Clause 24

Continuity of sexual offences law

    ‘(1)   This section applies where, in any proceedings—

      (a)   a person (“the defendant”) is charged in respect of the same conduct both with an offence under the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (c. 42) (“the 2003 Act offence”) and with an offence specified in subsection (2) (“the pre-commencement offence”);

      (b)   the only thing preventing the defendant from being found guilty of the 2003 Act offence is the fact that it has not been proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the time when the conduct took place was after the coming into force of the enactment providing for the offence; and

      (c)   the only thing preventing the defendant from being found guilty of the pre-commencement offence is the fact that it has not been proved beyond a reasonable doubt that that time was before the coming into force of the repeal of the enactment providing for the offence.

    (2)   The offences referred to in subsection (1)(a) are—

      (a)   any offence under the Sexual Offences Act 1956 (c. 69);

      (b)   an offence under section 4 of the Vagrancy Act 1824 (c.83) (obscene exposure);

      (c)   an offence under section 28 of the Town Police Clauses Act 1847 (c. 89) (indecent exposure);

      (d)   an offence under section 61 or 62 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861 (c. 100) (buggery etc.);

      (e)   an offence under section 128 of the Mental Health Act 1959 (c. 72) (sexual intercourse with patients);

      (f)   an offence under section 1 of the Indecency with Children Act 1960 (c. 33) (indecency with children);

      (g)   an offence under section 4 or 5 of the Sexual Offences Act 1967 (procuring an man to commit buggery and living on the earnings of male prostitution);

      (h)   an offence under section 9 of the Theft Act 1968 (c. 60) (burglary, including entering premises with intent to commit rape);

      (i)   an offence under section 54 of the Criminal Law Act 1977 (c. 45) (incitement of girl under 16 to commit incest);

      (j)   an offence under section 1 of the Protection of Children Act 1978 (c. 37) (indecent photographs of children);

      (k)   an offence under section 3 of the Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act 2000 (c. 44) (abuse of position of trust);

      (l)   an offence under section 145 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 (c. 41) (traffic in prostitution).

    (3)   For the purpose of determining the guilt of the defendant it shall be conclusively presumed that the time when the conduct took place was—

      (a)   if the maximum penalty for the pre-commencement offence is less than the maximum penalty for the 2003 Act offence, a time before the coming into force of the repeal of the enactment providing for the pre-commencement offence; and

      (b)   in any other case, a time after the coming into force of the enactment providing for the 2003 Act offence.

    (4)   In subsection (3) the reference, in relation an offence, to the maximum penalty is a reference to the maximum penalty by way imprisonment or other detention that could be imposed on the defendant on conviction of the offence in the proceedings in question.

    (5)   A reference in this section to an offence under the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (c. 42) or to an offence specified in subsection (2) includes a reference to—

      (a)   inciting the commission of that offence;

      (b)   conspiracy to commit that offence; and

      (c)   attempting to commit that offence;

    and, in relation to an offence falling within paragraphs (a) to (c), a reference in this section to the enactment providing for the offence so falling has effect as a reference to the enactment providing for the offence under that Act or, as the case may be, for the offence so specified.


 
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    (6)   This section applies to any proceedings, whenever commenced, other than proceedings in which the defendant has been convicted or acquitted of the 2003 Act offence or the pre-commencement offence before the commencement of this section.’. —[Hazel Blears.]

Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill.

New Clause 3

Offences against ‘public servants’

    ‘An offence is aggravated by reason of being committed against a public servant for the purposes of Sections [Offences against public servants: malicious wounding etc.] and [Offences against public servants: harassment etc.] if the victim is a public servant under the provisions of Section [Definition of “public servant”].’.—[Mr. Clappison.]

Brought up, and read the First time.

Mr. James Clappison (Hertsmere) (Con): I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

The Chairman: With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

New clause 4—Definition of ‘Public Servant’—

    ‘A person is a public servant if—

      (a)   he is an employee of a public authority acting in the course of his employment;

      (b)   he is engaged in the provision of care on behalf of the National Health Service and acting in the course of his employment;

      (c)   he is engaged in the provision of education in maintained schools or further or higher education and acting in the course of his employment;

      (d)   he is employed by central or local government, including fire services, and is acting in the course of his employment;

      (e)   he is engaged in the provision of social housing and is acting in the course of his employment;

      (f)   he is engaged in the provision of public transport, including railways, buses and taxis, and is acting in the course of his employment.’.

New clause 5—Offences against public servants: malicious wounding etc.—

    ‘(1)   A person is guilty of an offence under this section if he commits—

      (a)   an offence under section 20 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 (24 and 25 Vict c. 100) (malicious wounding or grievous bodily harm),

      (b)   an offence against section 47 of that Act (actual bodily harm), or

      (c)   common assault,

    which is aggravated by reason of being committed against a public servant.

    (2)   A person guilty of an offence falling within subsection (1)(a) or (b) above shall be liable—

      (a)   on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding the statutory maximum, or to a fine, or to both;

      (b)   on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding seven years or to a fine, or to both.

    (3)   A person guilty of an offence falling with subsection (1)(c) above shall be liable—

      (a)   on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum, or to both;

      (b)   on conviction on indictment to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to a fine, or to both.’.


 
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New clause 6—Offences against public servants: harassment etc.—

    ‘(1)   A person is guilty of an offence under this section if he commits—

      (a)   an offence under section 4 of the Public Order Act 1986 (c. 64) (fear or provocation of violence);

      (b)   an offence under section 4A of that Act (intentional harassment, alarm or distress); or

      (c)   an offence against section 5 of that Act (harassment, alarm or distress),

    which is aggravated by reason of being committed against a public servant.

    (2)   A constable may arrest without warrant anyone whom he reasonably suspects to be committing an offence falling within subsections (1)(a) or (b) above.

    (3)   A constable may arrest a person without warrant if—

      (a)   he engages in conduct which a constable reasonably suspects to constitute an offence falling within subsection (1)(c) above;

      (b)   he is warned by the constable to stop; and

      (c)   he engages in further such conduct immediately, or shortly after the warning.

    The conduct mentioned in paragraph (a) above and the further conduct need not be of the same nature.

    (4)   A person guilty of an offence falling within subsections (1)(a) or (b) above shall be liable—

      (a)   on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding the statutory maximum, or to both;

      (b)   on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to a fine, or to both.

    (5)   A person guilty of an offence falling within subsection (1)(c) above shall be liable to a fine not exceeding level 4 on the standard scale.

    (6)   If, on the trial on indictment of a person charged with an offence falling within subsections (1)(a) or (b) above the jury find him not guilty of the offence charged, they may find him guilty of the basic offence mentioned in that provision.’.

Mr. Clappison: The three new clauses in my name together create an offence of violence against a public servant and make it an aggravated offence, which attracts a higher maximum sentence than would otherwise be the case.

My starting point is that all offences of violence are a serious matter, but offences of violence committed against a public servant are particularly serious for the reasons that I shall outline. There are a number of factors that establish why that is the case. First, in many cases the public servant will be fulfilling a duty in the service that he or she provides to the public, and in some cases will be fulfilling a duty as a member of the emergency services—for example, in the case of fire or ambulance services—in very serious situations. In many instances the public servant will be in a particularly vulnerable situation doing his or her duty.

In all cases involving a public servant, he or she is providing a service to the public, and to attack the public servant is to attack the public service itself; that is, to interfere with or disrupt the service and cause loss and disruption to the public as a whole and in some cases even put the public in danger.

I am sure that the Committee will agree that a person who attacks a nurse is committing a particularly despicable act, but it is not just a despicable act against that nurse. The assailant is
 
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also disrupting a vital public service, perhaps taking out of public service someone who would otherwise have been able to give extra care and attention to other members of the public, who may go without that expert care and attention because of the antisocial actions of the assailant.

The Committee will know that attacks against public servants are sadly all too frequent and, in a number of cases, they are on the increase. For some antisocial members of our society, no depths are too low and no irresponsibility is too wanton. I can perhaps best illustrate that with a local example from my constituency, which also involves the topical issue of air weapons. Earlier this year, the fire service in my constituency, which does a first-class job—as fire services do in all constituencies—was called out as an emergency service to attend a potentially dangerous and malfunctioning shop sign in the main street. A male officer investigating the situation was shot in the forehead with an air pellet. Happily, the injuries that he sustained were not serious, but it does not take great imagination to realise that they could have been. It was good fortune that he did not suffer serious injuries.

Fire officers who turn out to deal with incidents face enough risks without additional hazards. I am sad to say that it is not unusual for fire officers to suffer such hazards. It is happening up and down the country. According to a written answer that I received from the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister on 22 June, there were hundreds of such attacks on firefighters last year. That is one example; I could no doubt find many others involving fine public servants who provide a service in our constituencies.

Steve McCabe: I know that no one will be desperate for me to detain the Committee, but I want to put a straightforward point to the hon. Gentleman. I have immense sympathy with his proposal, but it occurs to me that the way it is framed means that someone who attacked a police officer while the police officer was acting as an employee in the course of his employment would be guilty of the aggravated offence, but someone who attacked an off-duty police officer because of a previous grievance would not, and neither would someone who attacked a former police officer because of a grievance. The intention is clear but the reality is that drawing such a distinction would be unhelpful. We could find that identical assaults were treated differently depending on whether a person was on duty at the time. That may be a flaw in the proposal.

Mr. Clappison: The hon. Gentleman makes an interesting point, and it may interest him to know that if he looks down the list of persons covered by new clause 4, which is the definitional clause and which I was going to come to, he will see that a police officer is not named. A police officer would undoubtedly be covered by virtue of his being an employee of a public authority acting in the course of his employment.

Mr. Malins rose—

Mr. Clappison: I shall give way to my hon. Friend in a minute.


 
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It may interest the hon. Member for Birmingham, Hall Green (Steve McCabe) to know that his counter-argument is not a good one because there is already the separate offence of assaulting a police officer. The distinctions that he has drawn between a police officer’s being on or off duty have not prevented that offence from being a well-established part of our criminal law which has served to protect police officers in the course of their duties.

Mr. Malins: I was simply going to make the point that my hon. Friend mentioned about the assault of police officers. He covered it admirably.

Mr. Clappison: The test will always be whether somebody is, in the course of their duties, providing a service to the public. That is not to say that other offences of assault are not serious, but interference with a public servant carrying out his duties is the test that lies at the heart of the proposals. It is important that we should give those public servants additional protection.

Further points might be made about the definition in new clause 4. The intention is to cover all who serve the public according to the test that I have just outlined. It includes, among many others, all those involved in the provision of public transport, including bus and railway employees. In the course of carrying out a small amount of research by way of parliamentary questions, I found that there has been an increase in the number of attacks on such public servants.

The Committee may be aware of the very good poster campaign in railway stations which aims to deter people from abusing public servants. It is imaginative and necessary, because there has been a substantial increase in recent years in the number of assaults on both bus and railway staff. To give one example, the number of assaults on railway staff recorded by the British Transport police rose from 1,329 in 2000 to 2,769 in the last year for which figures were recorded. There is a similar trend in the case of bus company employees, both drivers and the diminishing number of bus conductors. The number of assaults on such public servants runs into the thousands. It will not take much imagination on our part to realise the vulnerability of such people, who sometimes work late at night, often on their own, providing a valuable service to the public.

I hope that the Committee will also notice that I have taken something of a liberty with the definition of public transport by extending it to include taxi drivers. They, too, provide an important service to the public, and they are particularly vulnerable to assault. Apparently, no figures have been collected on assaults on taxi drivers, but I fear that cases concerning such attacks are all too common in our courts. They, too, are isolated and vulnerable people who provide a valuable service to the public, but who are at risk in a number of ways when they are carrying out their work.

We might have further debate on the definition, but I hope that the Minister will accept the intention to value and protect our vulnerable public servants. I shall happily listen to any suggestion as to how we
 
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might improve the definition, but I hope that we will not allow technical arguments about definitions to get in the way of the intention. I am sure that the provision could be put into statutory form without too much trouble.

New clauses 5 and 6 provide for maximum sentences, which are higher if the victim is a public servant than they would otherwise be for such offences. I hope that they are technically sound—they follow the scheme of provisions relating to racially aggravated offences. I have taken the liberty of borrowing the wording from the relevant clauses in other legislation in order to put into law these provisions protecting public servants.

My intention is simply to send out the message that offences against public servants are a serious matter. Those who assault our public servants should expect to be dealt with severely. Those advertisements in railway stations, and the other ways in which we try to deter people from carrying out assaults on public servants, will be backed up by the message that we can send through this Bill that we will protect our public servants by creating severe sentences for such assaults.

Stephen Pound: Some of us may have a difficulty in view of our non-pecuniary interest in new clause 4(d). Can the hon. Gentleman confirm whether Members of Parliament would be covered by it? If that were the case, an interest would have to be declared.

8.45 pm

Mr. Clappison: I have to say that I tried to think of as many public servants as possible to declare. The hon. Gentleman has given me something of a conundrum as that was not something that fell within my range of contemplation. Although we are public servants, I am thinking primarily of the sort of public servants that I have defined this evening. I hope that the Committee will be with me in wanting to give them the protection that they deserve.

Mr. Malins: I support my hon. Friend. He has done the Committee a great service by introducing the new clause. His arguments are powerful and compelling, and I congratulate him.

Jeremy Wright: I too commend my hon. Friend the Member for Hertsmere (Mr. Clappison). The Minister will no doubt rely on the fact that the issues that he raised could be regarded as aggravating features under existing offences. As my hon. Friend said, public servants deserve our protection under the law. I have no doubt that she will also bear in mind that they will relish the fact that some offences on the statute book give them overt protection. I hope that she will give that serious consideration.

Hazel Blears: I have considered the matter extremely seriously. I entirely agree with the hon. Member for Hertsmere that attacks on public servants are completely and utterly unacceptable. Many people place themselves in vulnerable positions, face to face with the public, and carry out their duties selflessly and in the most altruistic manner—and we rely on them to do so. The worst thing that can happen is that they are
 
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assaulted while carrying out those duties. I entirely share the concerns expressed by hon. Members. However, there are grave difficulties with the new clauses.

I shall not deal only with the technical difficulties; I agree with the hon. Gentleman that they can often be overcome. However, I have substantive reasons for asking the Committee to resist the new clauses. It is doubtful whether they would give any extra protection to public servants. It is not simply a matter of having such provisions on the statute book. Making law can sometimes seem to be a gesture—I do not say that that is what the hon. Gentleman has done—so we must ensure that the law delivers what we want, which is increased protection for people who serve the public.

First, the Sentencing Guidelines Council has responsibility for issuing sentencing guidance to the courts. The magistrates court sentencing guidelines and the council itself speak of attacks being committed against a victim who is providing a service to the public. It is important to realise that those who provide services to the public may technically not be public servants.

Hon. Members may remember the excellent freedom from fear campaign conducted by the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers. Some of our shop workers have been subjected to the most horrendous attacks and verbal harassment. Shopkeepers who refuse to serve alcohol to under-18-year-olds can find themselves in a dreadful position, and we have used antisocial behaviour orders to ban such people from shops. I am concerned that, if we applied the rules only to public servants, we would miss out a range of people who serve the public.

The Sentencing Guidelines Council guidance is a much better way to proceed. We could end up with someone working in the NHS being protected while they were looking after an national health service patient but not if they were looking after someone else.

Jeremy Wright: I understand entirely what the Minister says. Does she accept that those who are tempted to commit the type of offences described by my hon. Friend the Member for Hertsmere will recognise much more clearly an offence that specifically defines itself as an assault on a public service worker than they would recognise guideline sentencing?

Hazel Blears: That is a real challenge to the Government. When we get the sentencing guidance, we must ensure that it is clear to those who might contemplate carrying out an assault on someone who serves the public that it will be an aggravating factor and that it is likely to attract a longer sentence. It is important to have a public education campaign saying that it is entirely unacceptable behaviour. That is what the freedom from fear campaign did. It is also the subject of the campaign being run by the Transport and General Workers Union for people who work on
 
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public transport. However, the Government also have a responsibility to ensure that the message is sent out loud and clear.

My other objection is that, if we create a specific offence, it may prove more difficult to get a conviction. People might seek to evade responsibility by basing their defence on whether a victim was acting in the course of his employment. That could make it complicated to get a conviction. At the moment, we have only to convict on assault, grievous bodily harm, a section 18 wounding or a section 20 offence. Those are well established criminal law procedures. If we complicate the matter by creating specific offences, we have to prove something extra on top of the fact that somebody has committed an assault, such as that it was on somebody acting in the course of his employment. My concern is that people will find it easier to evade conviction for such offences than they do for offences under existing law.

 
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