Finance (No.2) Bill


[back to previous text]

The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (John Healey): I welcome you to the Chair, Mr. O’Hara. It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship again. In my experience you Chair proceedings with a firm and fair hand and I know that you will continue to do so. I am grateful to you for the guidance that you have given us on the grouping of new clauses to be discussed as part of the clause stand part debate.
I shall mention my views on the new clauses later, but first let me deal with clause 1, which increases the rate of duty on cigarettes, cigars, hand-rolling tobacco and other smoking and chewing tobacco products. It does so in line with inflation, therefore increasing the typical price of cigarettes by 9p, including VAT, and did so with effect from 6 pm on Budget day, 22 March 2006.
The Committee is aware that smoking kills more than 100,000 people in this country each year. It is the greatest cause of preventable illness and premature death in this country. So the duty increase, in line with inflation, will help to maintain the real price of tobacco, the contribution to Government revenues and the price support—a level of pricing that encourages people to smoke less or to quit, and discourages children or young people from taking up the habit in the first place.
Duty rates form an important part of our strategy to drive down the level of smoking in this country and of our target to reduce the prevalence or level of smoking to 21 per cent. by 2010. Those measures run alongside important provisions that we are making through the NHS to support those who want to quit and also the public places smoking ban due to come into effect in the summer of next year. So the duty increase continues a well-established policy—a twin track of maintaining the high real price of cigarettes while clamping down hard on the unregulated supply of cheap smuggled tobacco. That will help to reduce smoking, and lower the financial, social, personal and health costs associated with it.
On the new clauses, I welcome the interest of the hon. Member for Wycombe (Mr. Goodman) in evidence-based tax policy decisions. I say to him and his colleagues on the Opposition Front Bench, we publish more information relevant to their new clauses than they might realise. In fact, we might publish more than they care to read. In relation to new clause 1 on tobacco, I gathered up on my way here a selection—not an exhaustive list—of the documents that we have published in the last 18 months.
“The Demand for Tobacco Products in the UK”, published in December 2004, is a detailed model for the elasticities of tobacco demand. The pre-Budget report 2004 included an update on our strategic approach to measuring and tackling indirect tax losses, including from tobacco, and in late 2004 we published an analysis of, and plans to deal with, counterfeit cigarettes. I have brought also a copy of a quarterly publication that includes a tobacco fact sheet—hon. Members might or might not be aware of it—with data on tobacco clearances and duty, and on the state of the market. As I said, it is a quarterly publication and the hon. Gentleman might care to pick up the next one, which is out later this month.
In December 2005, as part of last year’s pre-Budget report, we published an analysis of indirect tax losses which took into account the impact of duty. This year we have published a detailed fresh analysis of how we will reinforce our strategies for tackling tobacco fraud and smuggling. Furthermore, of course, there are the Budget notices—once again I have brought only one copy with me—published alongside the Budget, which are legally binding, and which we attempted to write in plain English, setting out the changes announced in each Budget, how they impact, and on whom.
We make a considerable effort to assess the impact of tax regimes on specific industries and the wider economy. We meet regularly with and take into account the views of organisations with special interests. We frequently reassess the general design or specific aspects of the operation of areas of the tax system, and when we do so we run a public, open consultation process.
In each year’s pre-Budget report and Budget, we give updates on tax and wider policy, and each year we publish a pre-Budget report for the excise regimes—an analysis of the tax gap, the losses and the impact of the rates. Ours was the first finance Ministry to make such a systematic analysis of the operation of the tax system and the first to put in place comprehensive strategies for reducing the tax gap, and I believe that we are still the only Government to do so. In those circumstances, when we come to decide on whether the proposed new clauses should become part of the Bill, I hope that hon. Members of all parties will bear in mind the quantity and the quality of what we already produce.
10.45 am
Mr. Paul Goodman (Wycombe) (Con): It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr. O’Hara. Unlike the Financial Secretary, I have not had the pleasure of serving under your chairmanship before. Although I am sure that, in the course of these proceedings, the Financial Secretary and I will not agree on everything, he was right to pay tribute to your chairmanship, and I look forward to your guiding us in our transition through today’s clauses in a dignified, orderly and efficient manner.
The clause that we are considering invites us to approve the tax rise proposed in the Chancellor’s Budget. As the hon. Gentleman said, new clause 1 would have the effect of compelling the Chancellor to publish a review in relation to the effectiveness of tobacco duties. You, Mr. O’Hara, will be pleased to know that I do not intend to discuss the proposed review in detail, and the hon. Gentleman will be pleased to hear that too. I want to refer to what he said about the quantity and quality of the information already published by the Treasury; he was right to draw attention to that. The proposed new clause seeks to draw an assessment from him of how all those documents come together in terms of the effectiveness of the Government’s strategy with regard to the duty.
We need to explore the effectiveness of that strategy in some detail. Any tax needs to be effective; it must achieve its aims. The Financial Secretary made it clear that the aim is to discourage smoking. That is an aim that we share. However, he did not mention the other aim of the clause, which is to raise revenue for the Exchequer—[Interruption.] He did. I apologise to him. We are covered so far as aims go.
The Financial Secretary will be mindful of that great law in relation to taxation and many other matters, the law of unintended consequences, as well as of the effect that raising a tax beyond a certain point might have on expected consequences, namely that it might not discourage the behaviour that it seeks to discourage. If raised beyond a certain point, it might raise less revenue than it would if it were not increased or if it were decreased. Raising it beyond a certain point could cause such unexpected consequences as evasion, in this case tobacco smuggling, which we shall discuss in more detail when we debate clause 2.
At present, according to the Tobacco Manufacturers Association—which would like duties to be frozen, not unusually—smuggling increased between 2002 and 2004, the last few years for which the organisation has figures, resulting in a rise in revenue loss from£2.6 billion to £2.9 billion. The Minister will doubtless point this out when he replies, so I shall point it out for him: it is true that the cross-border element has fallen from £1.4 billion to £1.3 billion. However, when both figures are added together, the result is a rise from£4 billion to £4.2 billion. The Tobacco Manufacturers Association suggests that those developments threaten the Government’s smuggling targets. I am sure that the Minister will want to respond to that point too.
According to a Gallaher monthly pack swap survey, the consumption of counterfeits has risen slightly, from 2.4 per cent. to 2.8 per cent. of total consumption. It is worth standing back from the figures for a moment and looking at them in context. According to the TMA, cigarette prices in the UK are already the highest in Europe, and the UK’s excise duty burden is the highest in the EU. The rising number of freight movements and visits within the EU, good things in themselves, naturally increases opportunities for smuggling. There has also been a significant rise in UK consumption of hand-rolling tobacco.
Mr. Brooks Newmark (Braintree) (Con): My hon. Friend makes a good point about the influence of duty increases on smuggling, but I should be most interested to hear the Minister’s response to the point made earlier about the analysis of elasticity. What is the Government’s analysis of the effect on reducing smoking of each 1p increase in duty? It would be extremely interesting to hear that.
Mr. Goodman: My hon. Friend has conveyed his request to the Financial Secretary through me, so I shall not repeat it. We look forward to hearing the answer.
The Minister works on enforcement with the Tobacco Alliance, which represents some 17,000 independent UK retailers. I know that he sees the alliance regularly, and I am sure that he will join me in paying tribute to its work. The Tobacco Alliance is seriously concerned about the effect of smuggling on small shopkeepers’ livelihoods and on public health, given smugglers’ greater propensity to sell tobacco, particularly counterfeit tobacco, to children.
Last August, 83 per cent. of retailers surveyed by the alliance reported that smuggling had decreased their sales, 27 per cent. had cut staff—those are the two most serious figures—and 21 per cent. said that they were considering closing. Some 71 per cent. were aware of tobacco smuggling in their area, 35 per cent. were aware of counterfeit tobacco smuggling and 20 per cent. knew of smugglers who supplied underage smokers. A total of 90 per cent. thought that the Government were not doing enough to help retailers affected by smuggling—I suppose that when surveyed people always tend to think that the Government are not doing enough, but there it is—while 74 per cent. thought, perhaps unsurprisingly, that the Government should reduce or freeze taxes.
Yesterday, I received a letter from Ken Patel, a Leicester retailer and the chair of Retailers Against Smuggling, the campaigning arm of the Tobacco Alliance. The Financial Secretary will know him. What he wrote is important:
“Tobacco sales account for a large proportion of our footfall and when a customer comes in to buy their cigarettes, the chances are they will pick up something else, like a pint of milk or a newspaper at the same time. We shopkeepers are therefore losing out twice. We simply cannot compete with the smugglers who can undercut our prices by half.
Let me put to you a hypothetical situation: say I was the European head of a smuggling organisation who had to report in to my boss, the worldwide head of a smuggling organisation who wants profits and wants them fast. Where am I going to focus on to get the most profits as quickly as possible? Clearly the solution would be to focus on the country where I can undercut shop prices but still make the most profit—the place with the highest tobacco levels in the EU—the United Kingdom.
On top of that, the best thing about the situation”—
he is writing from the vantage of the imagined head of a smuggling organisation—
“is that the Government in Britain is going to help me out, by increasing tax every year and encouraging more people who smoke to buy their cigarettes from my street-sellers.
Let’s take another hypothetical situation: that I smoke 20 cigarettes a day. I enjoy it and it is part of my life. I am not going to stop just because my pack has gone up over the £5 threshold. It could go up over the £6 threshold and it would not make me stop smoking. It wouldn’t matter that much because I know that if the cost of a pack of legitimate goes over a price barrier I might have subconsciously set, then I can go and get some smuggled from the street corner. It’s going to be quite a while before the cost of a pack of smuggled reaches that subconscious level I have set for a legitimate pack.”
I will not read the rest of Mr Patel’s remarks nor will I explore, in the manner of the Hutton inquiry, subconscious motives. However, I wanted to draw the letter to the attention of the Committee because it represents the views of 17,000 retailers and Mr Patel makes some important points.
It is worth standing back from those figures for a few moments to consider which organisations are making profits from tobacco smuggling. Ministers do not know and cannot be expected to know all the organisations involved, but they do know, as the rest of us do, the names of some of the organisations. When we refer to smuggling gangs, it can be assumed that they are ordinary criminal gangs. However, they do include the Provisional IRA and loyalist paramilitary groups, which is plainly a serious matter.
Two months ago, Radio 4’s “File on 4” programme reported that the IRA is linked up with other criminal gangs and is behind the smuggling of millions of pounds of contraband across the North sea. It is perhaps significant that cigarettes were among the items seized when premises of the IRA’s reputed chief of staff, Thomas “Slab” Murphy, were sealed off in March, after an operation by customs officers, detectives and soldiers from both sides of the border.
Rob Marris (Wolverhampton, South-West) (Lab) rose—
Mr. Goodman: I am delighted to see the hon. Gentleman here and I am sure he will contribute enthusiastically to the debate, just as all his other colleagues will.
Rob Marris: I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, who I know well from our time in Select Committee. Can he tell me whether he is talking to clause 2 or clause 1?
Mr. Goodman: I am addressing clause 1, because as my hon. Friend the Member for Braintree said a moment ago, one of the phenomena that impacts on smuggling is price. Thus, the duties relate to price, so I am addressing clause 1. I am glad that he is following proceedings so closely that he can see that is taking place.
Gordon Banks (Ochil and South Perthshire) (Lab): Will the hon. Gentleman give way?
 
Previous Contents Continue
House of Commons 

home page Parliament home page House of 

Lords home page search page enquiries ordering index

©Parliamentary copyright 2006
Prepared 10 May 2006