Select Committee on Office of the Deputy Prime Minister: Housing, Planning, Local Government and the Regions Written Evidence


Memorandum by the Welsh Streets Home Group (WSHG) (LGC 18)

  The Welsh Streets Home Group (WSHG) is a residents organisation from Toxteth in Liverpool 8. We are writing to the ODPM committee Local Government Consultation New Inquiry. We welcome this inquiry which seems timely in terms of the national debates around sustainable planning as well as hugely relevant to our local situation.

  We would like to present observations as highly relevant to this committee and it's remit. We are not only a Pathfinder area but subject to a high concentration of Urban Strategies. The additional impact of the dual cultural accolades of City of Culture and Unesco World Heritage Site in directing local authority priorities has been felt keenly by the population particularly in the urban heart of the city. As such our area is becoming a crucible for policies and programmes who's success or failure may pivot on the quality and status of public consultation. Thus we feel our evidence should rightly inform this inquiry. It is important to note that while highly critical about the way in which public consultation is being delivered in our neighbourhood, in particular the lack of relevant skills, resources or knowledge amongst local government agencies, that the local authority is working in partnership with the private sector and others. Since this is often going to be the case we feel our experiences can highlight areas for immediate action.

  In particular WSHG would like to urgently request training and resources for local government staff, and further suggest stringent checks and balances need to be enforced to ensure a voice for all concerned. The process we are currently witnessing threatens to divide communities, manipulate evidence and produce flawed results. It may not be wise for local authorities or their partners to participate directly in the consultation process, but preferable for independent consultancies to engage with the public, that is if local views are genuinely sought and valued.

  What follows is based on 10 months of detailed consultation with key stakeholders, expert advisors and developers.

SUMMARY/RECOMMENDATIONS

    (A)  Access to the process of public consultation needs to be widely available to as many kinds of people, in as many ways possible for as long as possible.

    (B)  The process employed should not discount or ignore contributors on account of their views.

    (C)  Those with vested interests in the outcomes of the public consultation in question should refrain from delivering, managing or assessing the process themselves.

    (D)  Particularly where housing is concerned protagonists should be aware of the unique stresses associated with threats to the home and attempt to be flexible and creative in finding solutions of most benefit to most people.

    (E)  The criteria for funding schemes should allow flexibility enabling responsive finance solutions to be matched to situations. The manipulation of situations to match outmoded policy ideas and finance criteria is unlikely to go unchallenged which will merely result in delay and expense.

ABOUT WSHG AND THIS SUBMISSION

  1.  The Welsh Streets Housing Group (WSHG) is a resident group reflecting on arising from public consultation around the redevelopment proposal being offered to the Welsh Streets that sit within a Liverpool Pathfinder area.

  2.  This evidence presented in this submission is based upon our direct experiences of this consultation process and, as such, is highly relevant to the scope and remit of the committee.

  3.  As residents, we believe we have invaluable insights into and knowledge of the social, economic, environmental and cultural value and potential of our district in ways which extend beyond viewing it simply in terms of land values. In line with Government planning policy and guidance, we also see residents' needs and aspirations as being of equal if not greater importance to those of the majority landowner in the area, the registered social landlord (RSL), CDS Housing.

WHO AND WHERE

  4.  We are reporting our experience of a public consultation in which Liverpool City Council are the local authority and the task in question is the delivery of a Pathfinder Housing Market Renewal.

  5.  Include, Liverpool City Council, WDC steering group and Gleeson's Developers jointly claim ownership of the current and only proposal for demolition of 400 homes in the Welsh Streets area. Responsibility and motivating rationale for the proposal remains obscure.

  6.  The regeneration company "Include" are a key participant and they are comprised of Liverpool City Council with a registered social landlord CDS housing. Three city councillors participate as board or steering group members for Include. The high density of local authority involvement in the scheme has lead to concerns that as the architects of the consultation process they have sought merely to endorse their own intent, and have no interest or use for the views of the public they have consulted with.

  7.  Lack of access to decision making processes, refusal to negotiate or explain decisions taken, or to reveal who the decision makers are or what they are guided by further reinforces this view and implies that independent agents are needed in the consultation process if a range of agendas are to be allowed to come to light.

  8.  In addition local authority officers, elected representatives and residents need access to the skill set which will allow then to recognise the scope and limitations of public consultation.

  9.  A confusing combination of staff from the partnering organisations delivered aspects of the public face of the pathfinder scheme. Conflicting information has been provided by partner organisations who often having scant awareness of each others activities. This has lead to frustration and a loss of trust in proceedings.

  10.  New forms of public/private partnerships demand new forms of scrutiny if individuals are to be protected from the imposition of flawed outcomes due to the excessive power bases such partnerships produce.

  11.  The impact of organisational differences and lack of parity between a small group of residents in an advice centre, a commercial concern such as a property developer administrations such as a local authority or a quango and a large land owner and service provider such as CDS Housing appear to have reduced the accountability which any of the above might normally be restrained by in any of their activities.

  12.  Liverpool City Council are commonly cited as the organisation who are defining the course of the project. However when criticital view have been expressed for example in the national press the Local Authority assign responsibility to other organisations notably National Government or New Heartlands.

  13.  We have assumed, despite the lack of clear information from Liverpool City Council, Include or WDC steering group that New Heartlands are the managing body for the process to which we are subjected. We understand that the board of directors for New Heartlands comprises largely if not entirely of Liverpool City Councillors.

  14.  Thus it has been concluded that this is an instance of public consultation in Local Government and note that the various and complex ways in which the local authority are operating in this arena makes their role obscure, and on occasion at odds with the best interests of residents or the built environment.

  15.  It is argued that Liverpool City Council through their various agencies and partnership organisations used an inappropriate organisation and venue for the main thrust of the public consultation activity. The local authority along with it's partners which included a small number of "the public" essentially produced a regeneration proposal in private, announcing periodically but often ineffectively in public that this was taking place.

PUBLIC ACCESS TO A PRIVATE ACTIVITY

  14.  An existing tenants organisation had extended into being a residents association on the sale of stock to tenants through the right to buy scheme. Windemere Dovetail and Camelot are names of three little districts, adjacent to an area of streets with largely Welsh names now know as "the clearance zone".

  15.  The three areas had a combined housing office in a building owned by CDS housing on the corner of High Park Street. Known as WDC this was to become the "private" group amongst which apparently information was distributed and decisions were taken. Because this took place in an essentially private arena it is impossible to know where certain ideas and assertions of dubious merit have arisen.

  16.  Many residents in the clearance zone have had no previous relationship with the WDC office or it's residents association, prior to the regeneration scheme.

  17.  This is because it did not provide across the board services or resources to residents throughout the wider area.

  18.  In particular owner occupiers, tenants of private landlords, private landlords and peoples who's daily route did not pass the WDC office were barely aware of it's existence.

  19.  It now seems likely that the WDC residents association were involved in discussions with Include for some time before the general public became aware they were living in a redevelopment area.

  20.  It may be said that the interests of those facilitators of the process were represented disproportionately in relationship to the public whom the process might have been intended to hear. For example CDS provided space in their building for the WDC tenants and residents group making it difficult to see how they could operate independently from their provider, Liverpool City Council provided access to public funds, Gleesons developers to Private funds etc. It is difficult to see how the combined forces of these large organisations could have offered a range of real choices to the WDC steering group.

  21.  It now seems likely that that WDC themselves they were in contact only or mainly with those residents who have regularly used their services.

  22.  Delivery of information lacked vigour. Radio and broadcast media, local press and local resource centres such as doctors surgeries, libraries were not exploited in the delivery of information to the public. Limited strategies were applied to communicating with a wider audience or attracting participation from poorly representative groups.

THE CONSULTATION PROCESS

  23.  Issues surrounding the accountability and representativeness of the views of street representatives remain highly problematic. The street representatives apparently function within the realm of WDC tenants and residents (association). The current proposal has been informed by a steering group of street representatives who have worked with Include personnel, Gleessons Developers, Triangle Architects and local Councillor Alan Dean. However, research shows that a significant number of residents do not know who their street representative is, suggesting that the views of many people are not being articulated through this consultation process.i There is also no mechanism in place to check whether the personal viewpoints of street representatives accord with or differ from members of the wider resident population. Further lack of representation or access to communications arises because several streets are without street representatives. Others have had a street representative only very late on in the consultation, too late apparently for their views to be incorporated. On at least one occasion, a street representative has been instructed to leave the steering group because the view of her street differed from those of the steering committee. On another it is felt that a street representative was treated so rudely for expressing the views of his street that he withdrew from the process.

  24.  Public consultation meetings have not been inclusive. The three Include Public Vision meetings held prior to 25 March 2004 in effect excluded a significant number of residents, particularly working people and those with young children.

  25.  Delivery of information lacked vigour and imagination. Radio and broadcast media, local press and local resource centres such as doctors surgeries, libraries were not exploited in the delivery of information to the public. Residents who's routes did not take them towards high park street were unlikely to see notices posted in shop windows or WDC offices.

  26.  Inappropriate means of communication have been employed. The printed newsletters delivered by volunteers though letter boxes may have been widely criticised as having failed to communicate the serious intent of the partner organisations.

  27.  Research shows that the WDC (The tenants and residents association for Windermere, Dovetail and Camelot estates) newsletters were not read by all residents. Their design quality and the fact they were not in envelopes did not allow them to be differentiated to other unsolicited leaflets. In some cases, interviews show that the leaflets were perceived as junk mail. Some residents are adamant they never received these, or received them sporadically. Their relevance to people living in the nearby Welsh Streets was not clear particularly to residents who had never been tenant of CDS. Residents often received some but not all of the newsletters, which it transpires, contained key information regarding the regeneration plans. It also appears that Chrome, who conducted the Welsh Streets Neighbourhood Survey in 2002, did not write to or survey all households.

  28.  The proposals failed to take on board fundamentally important findings from the consultation process, thus bringing into question the validity of the consultation process and proposals as a whole. The proposal presented on 25 March 2004 bears little relationship in its technical content to the ideas, which were set out and agreed upon by residents who attended the three preceding Include public vision events. In particular and crucially, at these consultation events the favoured option was extensive refurbishment and demolition only of un-sound property. Subsequent WDC forum meetings have not accommodated residents' desire for and commitment to refurbishment, despite commitments to conservation-lead development set out in various policy and strategic planning documents produced by Liverpool City Council and Central Government. ii

  29.  The proposal presents an unhelpfully unbalanced appraisal of potential options, failing to present the full range of viable options and relevant supporting evidence in an accurate and fair way. For instance, the view that South Street is a "rat run" and the garage workshops "a liability" is not supported by evidence nor is it a view widely held by local residents or visitors to the area. Information regarding the value and condition of trees and energy efficiency is misleading and, in cases, inaccurate. Discussion of potential problems associated with new build property, such as resource energy for construction, are entirely absent. Private owners are described as a problem although there is no evidence to support this.

  30.  There appears to be no formal method of recording feedback or filtering resident comments upwards through Include to inform decision making in a constructive and democratic way. As one important example, following 25 March 2004 Include informed residents that "this is just a proposal" and that responses to it would inform the development of a final plan. Residents have attempted to make feedback to Include via drop in sessions at the WDC office but, as noted above, there is no evidence of such feedback being registered or incorporated into revised proposals. This lack of access to the decision making process renders the validity of the public consultation exercises highly questionable.

  31.  Communication from different agencies to local residents has been confusing and conflicting. As late as 28 July 2004 it was stated by a panel of WDC, LCC and Gleessons that the existing proposal would not be subject to amendment following public response, but instead was best viewed as a plan of action. Prior to this date Include personnel had ensured residents that their feedback would be used to inform the final plan. At the WDC forum, LCC personnel stated that only if a judicial review took place would there be any negotiation regards the proposal despite residents desire to negotiate an acceptable plan immediately in order to avoid the delays and expense incurred in a judicial review.

  32.  There is evidence that residents and who were critical of the communication process or the proposal itself were verbally intimidated in public. Informed and reasoned contributions to the regeneration proposal have been rejected. Assertions from Include LCC and CDS that if the only proposal was not accepted and supported the penalty would be no regeneration and more empty homes, blight and decline. In the view of this it is difficult to really know whether current survey results reflect genuine support of fear of abandonment or ridicule.

  As a result of this a sector of the community has been demonised for failing to support the only proposal on offer.

  33.  There is evidence to suggest that the consultation process represents an ill-timed and token exercise. Most significantly, many residents were "consulted" after the proposal had been produced, as shown by the dates on which people and buildings were surveyed.

  34.  The proposal fails to include consultation findings of fundamental significance, bringing into question the validity and viability of the scheme as a whole. Most notably, the findings of the Chrome survey commissioned by Include in 2002 show that the majority of respondents were satisfied or very satisfied with their existing homes. This finding is not reflected in the proposal.

  35.  A subsequent survey published in the Autumn 2004 lacked independence and it is alleged was not delivered in accordance with market research protocols.

  The local authority has in this instance delivered a public consultation of limited effectiveness which strongly encouraged participants to support the view and actions of the local authority itself. As such it could be defined more as a lobbying exercise than a public consultation.

TOO LITTLE TOO LATE

  36.  It seems likely that the age range, identity, financial status and cultural diversity of the residents who regularly used the WDC service was severely limited.

  37.  WDC were unable to represent the whole community living in the area initially described by Include as Dingle South, but now apparently known as Princes Park nor would it seem reasonable to expect an organisation of that size, scope and remit to do so.

  38.  It would seem that the support, or training provided by Include by either Include's components (ie LCC or CDS Housing) to WDC essentially a small hard working, well motivated self help community group of limited human resources was wilfully or neglectfully inadequate.

  39.  The existence of the process was hidden from particular types of residents such as those who work, tenants of private landlords, or owner occupiers later lead to aggression and conflict in the community. This conflict has been exacerbated by the failure of the proposal and by implication of the consultative process to identify and acknowledge key differences between different types of housing stock and market potential in the area.

  40.  By the time the public at large were beginning to understand the situation they were in, they were told it was too late to contribute observations or ideas. Amendment and compromise of the only proposal tabled remain untapped, but it is hoped within the realm of possibilities.

  41.  It is clear that the great legal, and financial power available to local authorities give them special responsibilities with regard to the fair treatment of individual citizens and communities.





 
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