European Parliament (Representation) Bill

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Mr. Heath: I do not have a particular concern about the point at which the Lord Chancellor chooses to consult the Electoral Commission. That is a matter of process. I have more concern about the point at which the changes in the total number of MEPs to be elected from the UK come into force under clause 4. What the Minister has told us in the past few minutes suggests that that point should be subsequent to the ratification of a treaty of accession. Perhaps she would be kind enough to confirm that that would be the case.

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Yvette Cooper: I am not entirely clear about what the hon. Gentleman is asking. Perhaps we could discuss it when we get to clause 4.

The implementation of the order has to be in line with the treaty of Nice and the international obligations that we have. I was glad that the hon. Gentleman clarified his point about the timing of the consultation of the Electoral Commission because it did not seem to be a big deal to specify that in the Bill. He seemed to be concerned that the Lord Chancellor might unilaterally reduce the number of MEPs, or that he might at least be given the power to do so. However, that would also be contrary to the treaty of Nice. It would be against Community law for the Lord Chancellor to decide that we were going to have fewer MEPs than is set out in the treaty of Nice or the Council decision. For the Lord Chancellor to make such a choice would be against the treaty and against the international obligations and law that we have signed up to.

Mr. Heath: I shall not intervene again. I just want to say that it is a completely absurd hypothesis that the Lord Chancellor would take such action, but he could do so under the Bill and there would be empty seats in the European Parliament. An empty seat policy has not been unknown in British relationships with the European Union in the past.

Yvette Cooper: I reassure the hon. Gentleman that the Lord Chancellor has no such intention. We take seriously our international obligations and the agreement that we have made and negotiated as part of the treaty of Nice to maintain the places of our MEPs. The amendments are unnecessary. The point behind them is to consider the impact of states not ratifying the treaty. To the extent that they are delaying tactics that would make it impossible for us to implement the treaty of Nice—effectively, a back-door way of sabotaging the treaty, to which I understand that Opposition Members were opposed—they should be rejected by the Committee. The amendments would make it impossible for us to send the right number of MEPs to the European Parliament in 2004, and they should be rejected.

Mr. Cash: We have had a wide-ranging debate, and several useful and important points of principle and detail have emerged. I have not had much in the way of answers to some questions. With respect to the question of a referendum, my party said that we should have a referendum on the Nice treaty. We have a vested interest in ensuring that referendums are held in relation to the provisions. It could well be that if there were a referendum in the UK on that question, we would get a no answer. I am pretty confident that that would be the case.

The principle that lies behind my approach is consistent with what we would hope to see elsewhere in the EU. That does not prejudice the fact that we want enlargement. In 1990, when Lady Thatcher was Prime Minister, I wrote a pamphlet—it was one of the first pamphlets on modern European issues—that advocated a policy of unity in Europe, but was against federalism. That is possible to achieve.

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What worries me about the Bill is that a lot of arrangements will be put in place based on hypotheses. The Minister made it abundantly clear in her reply that we do not have any options. Everything has already been prescribed and laid down in the—

The Chairman: Order. The House requires all right hon. and hon. Members to address their remarks through the Chair and not to perambulate. I must tell the hon. Gentleman that he tends to infringe both requirements and I ask him to amend that immediately.

Mr. Cash: I should be only too happy to do so. My perambulations so far have not gone much further than the corner of the chair, but I am happy to keep at least one leg in line with the legs of the chair.

The important point about the amendments is that they seek to identify the extent to which there is a mismatch in relation to the reality of the position that the Minister advanced. In effect, she said, ''You've got no option, so you've just jolly well got to accept it.'' That relates not so much to numbers in the event of there being a Division, but to the fact that the law has already been prescribed. Over and over again, the Minister has made the point that we have no option. It is a curious situation. In rather a grandiose fashion, the Lord Chancellor has all the mechanisms for making powers and the accompanying paraphernalia, but when we puncture the balloon there is nothing there because we have to do it anyway. It has all been prescribed and laid down in the treaty. That raises some serious questions about the extent to which the whole procedure enables us to make amendments. The Minister has made it clear that she will not accept the amendments, but, much more seriously, even if she were minded to accept them she would not be able to do so.

I conclude with a point about how many Members could actually turn up and whether an increase would mean that the European Parliament was overflowing. It would not do the European Parliament any harm to note that we in the Westminster Parliament do not have sufficient seats to allow everybody to sit down at once.

Amendment negatived.

The Chairman, being of the opinion that the principle of the clause and any matters arising thereon had been adequately discussed in the course of debate on the amendments proposed thereto, forthwith put the Question, pursuant to Standing Orders Nos. 68 and 89, That the clause stand part of the Bill:—

The Committee divided: Ayes 11, Noes 4.

Division No. 1]

AYES
Bailey, Mr. Adrian Cooper, Yvette Cunningham, Tony Farrelly, Paul Heath, Mr. David Hendrick, Mr. Mark
Kemp, Mr. Fraser Kumar, Dr. Ashok Marsden, Mr. Gordon Moffatt, Laura Russell, Bob

NOES
Cash, Mr. William Rosindell, Mr. Andrew
Ruffley, Mr. David Watkinson, Angela

Question accordingly agreed to.

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Clause 1 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2

Recommendation by Electoral Commission relating to changes in number of

United Kingdom MEPs

6.30 pm

Mr. Cash: I beg to move amendment No. 13, in

    clause 2, page 2, line 16, leave out 'Lord Chancellor' and insert 'Secretary of State'.

The Chairman: With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Amendment No. 18, in

    clause 2, page 2, line 34, leave out 'Lord Chancellor' and insert 'Secretary of State'.

Amendment No. 21, in

    clause 4, page 3, line 20, leave out 'Lord Chancellor', and insert 'Secretary of State'.

Amendment No. 25, in

    clause 4, page 3, line 34, leave out 'Lord Chancellor' and insert 'Secretary of State'.

Amendment No. 9, in

    clause 23, page 11, line 31, after 'Act', insert 'shall be exercised by a Minister in the Lord Chancellor's Department who is a Member of the House of Commons, and who is designated for that purpose, and'.

Clause 23 stand part.

Amendment No. 36, in

    clause 25, page 12, line 6, leave out 'Lord Chancellor' and insert 'Secretary of State'.

Amendment No. 37, in

    clause 25, page 12, line 8, leave out 'Lord Chancellor' and insert 'Secretary of State'.

Mr. Cash: All the amendments have one feature in common, which is that they would substitute references throughout the Bill to the Lord Chancellor with references to the Secretary of State. I am well aware that amendments have been made under the Transfer of Functions (Transport, Local Government and the Regions) Order 2002. However, it is important to remember that the provisions of clause 23 state that the functions should be exercised concurrently with the Secretary of State and that the schedule to the Bill, which is referred to in clause 6 in terms of the periodic reviews of distribution of MEPs, refers exclusively to the Secretary of State and not to the Lord Chancellor.

The purpose of the amendments is to point out that the Home Office historically has been responsible for activities to do with parliamentary elections—which are of vital importance to our democratic process—the procedures to be followed and all the paraphernalia that goes with them. I am not trying to do myself out of a job. None the less, considering the matter objectively, I am bound to ask why it is thought appropriate that the Lord Chancellor should take on the role rather than the Secretary of State, leaving aside the order, which I understand perfectly well.

I am not sure that I am in a position to answer that question. It is not to do with the individual who holds the office for a time but whether the Lord Chancellor's

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Department has a base of knowledge and experience that is adequate to deal with such matters.

Individuals will transfer from one Department to another. We had that with the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs the other day. It may be that, to some extent, the transitions are seamless and do not matter from the point of view of those administering the laws behind the scenes. Last night, I watched ''Yes, Minister'' on UK Gold, and had a good laugh. I wondered what Sir Humphrey would have to say were he looking at this Bill from the Home Office's point of view.

I have no doubt that such transfers have been amicable, but they raise various questions. I cannot identify why it is thought that the Lord Chancellor, an unelected member of the Government who is responsible for the judicial process and the administration of the courts, should be given such an exclusive right—or, rather, a pre-eminent right, as it is concurrent with a Secretary of State's—to determine matters that relate to elected representatives returned to, in this case, the European Parliament as well as matters that relate to other aspects of his remit, such as the Electoral Commission, local government and the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.

I am not sure whether there has ever been a debate on the Lord Chancellor's new accretion of powers, nor any explanation of that ever given. No one has ever seen fit to ask the question that I am now asking. I hope that the Minister will not just give me a flip answer, saying, ''Oh well, it's just tough. Those powers are in the Bill and you're going to have to put up with it''. I would like to know the rationale behind that. Are there any papers? Can I use the Freedom of Information Act 2000 or any other mechanism to discover that rationale?

In particular, I should like to ask whether it is appropriate that the Lord Chancellor should have all the powers in the Bill. If I think that he should not have such powers over parliamentary matters, as I clearly do, it is incumbent on the Minister to explain why she thinks that he should, without only repeating that they are in the Transfer of Functions (Transport, Local Government and the Regions) Order 2002 and that that is it.

 
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Prepared 7 January 2003