| Previous Section | Index | Home Page |
The Prime Minister: I thank my hon. Friend for that supportive comment, but I am afraid that I did not say that. I said that it would be daft to join the single currency regardless of the economic conditions. That is the sensible position. The Tories think that the economic conditions do not matter, which is a foolish position as well. The economic conditions do matter. In order for the single currency to work, the economics must be right. The two daft positions are to go in regardless of the economic conditions and to stay out regardless of the national economic interest. The first is, I think, the position of very few people, but the second of those daft positions is the official position of the Conservative party.
Mr. Ian Taylor (Esher and Walton): The Prime Minister has announced a welcome structuring of the Russian forces into the NATO effort and KFOR, but I am not sure what he meant about the warmth of President Yeltsin's welcome--that may have a mixed blessing. Will he reassure the House that political as well as economic strings are attached to the economic regeneration of, and the debt relief for, Russia? I fear that uncertainty may return to cause us problems.
Secondly, the Prime Minister is right to say that it is daft to join the euro immediately, just as it is daft to set a finite time not to join the euro. The real issue that he raised at Cologne is whether the European economies will reform themselves sufficiently to be able to compete in a world of free trade. The announcement of the millennial round and the WTO talks is crucial to the interests of Britain and the rest of the continent. I fear that British influence has not yet been sufficient to ensure that our continental neighbours reform their economies so as to enable us all to benefit over the next 10 years.
The Prime Minister:
In respect of Russia, we have made it clear that we tie this help to economic reform. The scale of the transition process in Russia is enormous. As part of our initiative, we have intensified the political as well as the economic dialogue to ensure that that reform process is carried through and moves forward. The end of the Kosovo conflict--on which Russia and the NATO countries have different perspectives--gives us the chance to put our relations with Russia back on a good footing. That is in the interests of the world. I was grateful to President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Stephashin for making clear their desire to have good and warm relations with us.
I agree with the hon. Gentleman on the euro--what he said is absolutely right. He is also right about the importance of reform. That is why the summit next year will be important, because, for the first time, the European Union has agreed to hold a summit specifically on the issue of economic reform in Europe. I only wish that the rest of his party would realise that it is in Britain's interest
for the euro to succeed, because, if it fails, Britain will face a fierce economic backlash as a result. If I were, as the Leader of the Opposition suggests, to try to renegotiate the entire treaty of Rome as my first act as a leader, I would not have the slightest prospect of getting anything done in Europe. In the end, what is important, as we can see by the decision on droit de suite today, is to engage properly with other European countries. [Interruption.] The hon. Member for--
Madam Speaker:
Order. Back-Bench Members should not ask questions from a sedentary position, and Front-Bench Members should not answer them.
The Prime Minister:
I know, Madam Speaker. The temptation is to answer them, which is wrong. So I shall move on.
The WTO gives an important push not only to world trade, but to economic reform in the European Union. If the European Union does not reform its trading rules, the WTO negotiations will force it on us.
Mr. David Winnick (Walsall, North):
Serbian civilians have as much right to live in Kosovo as ethnic Albanians. I hope that everything will be done to reassure them, as my right hon. Friend has said. What can be done to get the people in Serbia to realise the extent of the crimes and atrocities that have been committed? I spoke to the Serbian demonstrators in Whitehall from time to time during the bombing, and it was obvious that they refused to accept what was happening, just as, after 1945, some Germans refused to accept the extent of the terrible crimes that were committed in their name.
The Prime Minister:
I am glad to say that there seems also to have been a withdrawal of those forces from outside Downing street, which will help. We must do everything that we can over time to get the message through to the Serb people. The force of the Serb propaganda machine has been reduced subsequent to the conflict. We can get information through via other channels, and we must try to do so as much as possible. One of the reasons for holding the Balkans summit is to try to send that strong message to Serbia. My hon. Friend has, as ever, shown his determination during the conflict to be against racism of any sort. He is absolutely right: it is only when people accept that this has been happening in their name that they will summon up the courage to make sure that they remove the perpetrators of it.
Mr. Douglas Hogg (Sleaford and North Hykeham):
If there is to be any justification for Kosovo's remaining within Serbia, it can only be on the basis that there is a sizeable Serb minority in Kosovo. What steps are being taken to persuade Serbs who have left to return, and to create political structures in which both Serbs and Albanians can have confidence?
There is obviously merit in the statement that, while Milosevic is in power, there can be no aid for Serbia; but if there is evidence of serious malnutrition or, for example, a shortage of medical supplies, no doubt the Prime Minister will want to reconsider. It would be perverse to treat Serbia differently from, say, Iraq in that respect.
The Prime Minister:
My response to the latter point is to say that the right hon. and learned Gentleman is,
As for the Serb minority, some thousands of Serbs have been brought back in the past 48 hours. I think that we can accomplish the return only over time, by giving the Serbs confidence that KFOR will be objective in its handling of the situation. I have no doubt that it will be objective: anyone who knows our forces, and indeed the other forces involved, knows that they will be. I think that, once that becomes established, more of the political and Church leaders will say, "You should remain."
In the short term, there will be dangers and difficulties for the forces, and for people in both ethnic groupings. That is an inevitable consequence of what has happened, but we fought the conflict to root out ethnic discrimination of any sort, and it would be perverse of us now not to do all that we can to encourage the Serb minority to stay, and to live peacefully with their neighbours.
Mr. Jeremy Corbyn (Islington, North):
Further to his answer to the right hon. and learned Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham (Mr. Hogg), will my right hon. Friend tell us what policy he has to ensure that Kosovo remains a multi-ethnic state in future? What future does he see for Kosovo, either as an independent state or as part of a federation? What is he doing to ensure that the people of Serbia do not become demonised, and that we try to give them some assistance, separating them from the military regime?
What steps is my right hon. Friend taking to examine the environmental impact of the bombing campaign on Serbia and surrounding countries--in particular, the admitted use of depleted uranium by NATO forces and the specific bombardment of chemical factories? That has clearly caused an enormous amount of pollution, which will injure people on both sides of the border.
The Prime Minister:
There will be studies of the environmental impact, although many of the claims of environmental damage have already been disproved.
As for the Serbs staying, I cannot really say more than I have already said; but the essence is that we should provide a good civil administration, that it must be clear to the Serb minority that they are being treated fairly and that it will take time for the wounds to heal. They can heal, however. When Kosovo was an autonomous part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, people lived side by side in peace and security. It was Milosevic, when he abandoned autonomy in 1989 and subsequently began policies of Serb nationalism, who created the conflict.
As for the demonisation of the Serb people, we cannot say often enough that our quarrel was not with them, but with the Milosevic regime. My hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Winnick) mentioned the demonstrators in Whitehall. It is important for the Serbs to realise that some people refused to accept that those things were happening. They must accept that they happened. We are not saying that all Serbian people were responsible; they were not. Indeed, I have heard stories of Serbs in Kosovo sheltering Albanians. As ever, the picture is not all one way. Nevertheless, the Serbs must accept that this has been done in their name by their leaders, and the process of agitation for change in the regime must continue.
Mr. Dale Campbell-Savours (Workington):
There have been unconfirmed reports of the abduction of political prisoners--up to 3,000, I believe. I understand that, this morning, a Serbian authority admitted that some prisoners were taken back to Serbia. This is an important matter. Will my right hon. Friend contact the Red Cross and ask if it will demand access to those who have been taken back to Serbia? Will he also ask the interim Kosovo Administration to draw up a list of people who they know were being held by the Serbs in Kosovo, and who may have been taken back?
| Next Section
| Index | Home Page |